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Wednesday, July 1, 2009, 12:12 PM

This question, I learned from our Porcher friends, is the stock “traditionalist” or “paleo” shot against Leo Strauss. It’s hard to know what it means, exactly, or why they think it’s at least a symptom of evildoing. But indulge me in some relatively pro-Strauss observations.

Strauss was certainly concerned with restoring the IDEA of philosophy, which meant restoring the IDEA of eternity. Eternity, of course, is what IS always and can’t be changed by any form of creativity, either divine or human. So the philosophers—characteristically—have always said the world is eternal (and called that impersonal necessity nature) against those who’ve said the world is created (and so in some sense personal and contingent). It is possible, as the Thomists and the Declaration of Independence do, to speak of the laws of nature as being created by a personal, providential Creator, but Strauss thought that “third way” was untenable. The Bible speaks of the world and persons being governed by a personal logos, but for Strauss personal logos is an oxymoron, finally. (I will explain why I think Strauss is wrong on that point—but for now, I’m agreeing that logos is not personal in the sense of Historical.)

Eternity has always been opposed to divine creation. But in the modern world it’s also opposed to History. The modern view, crudely speaking, is that we only know what we make, and we free beings make ourselves by liberating ourselves from nature. What we can do and so what we can know is called History, or human creativity. The modern philosophers (Hegel, Marx) came to think that History has a logos that reveals itself over time. So the point of doing and thinking is to bring history to an end. The result will be both practical satisfaction and theoretical wisdom.

For Strauss, the modern doctrine of History is an attempt to make the Biblical understanding of who we are reasonable—to provide empirical verification of its truth. Man, the Bible says, was made in the image of the active and revealing God. History is the proof that man, through his action, can reveal himself to himself. Man, in a way, can make himself into God by creating for himself all that the Biblical God promised for him. At the end of history, we’lll have all we need with hardly any work. We’ll be unalienated, self-sufficient, and lacking in nothing, like God himself. To translate this into Voegelinian, the eschaton will be immanentized. It is will be a real or historical creation of the work of free or historical beings.

The philosophers, to take History so seriously, have to forget nature or what’s eternal. Human reality emerges in opposition to nature, which is, for us, nothing but worthless, infinite spaces indifferent to all personal existence. To be human is to be historical—to be in time, to be temporary. That means, ironically, the end of history would have to be the end of human—that is, historical–beings.

Members of our species would be integrated into nature again; we would no longer be the self-conscious mortals open to truth about ourselves. One deep teaching about History is that we’re all kind of cosmic accidents destined to become self-aware and then, as self-conscious accidents, self-destruct. Surely sociobiology and Deep Ecology are features of thought at the end of history. (That’s not to say I’m against superficial or anthropocentric environmentalism.)

The result of the forgetfulness of eternity, finally, is the end of the being open to the truth about eternity. The post-historical return of eternality or impersonal necessity would be without beings who share all our distinctively human characteristics. Human beings—even philosophers–have significance only as “history fodder,” as beings who make a contribution to History’s future perfection. (That, of course, explains a lot of the unprecedented slaughter of the 20th century.) When the perfection comes, they become superfluous and so have to disappear.

So Strauss attempted to show the insignificance of history, of what human beings do, in the light of eternity. Philosophers aren’t concerned primarily with the meaning of historical change, and the truth is that there’s no such thing as an historical logos and so historical progress. Strauss did what he could to discredit “History” with eternity in the name of perpetuating history in the ordinary sense. History (with a little h) is the endlessly ambiguous record of human accomplishments, nobility and cruelty, and sad and laughable screw-ups that reveals nothing fundamental about the true purposes of particular human lives.

When Strauss said that the philosopher’s concern with history—or what human beings do—is “exoteric,” he meant that every genuinely self-conscious practical effort aims not at some kind of perfection, but only a kind of damage control. There’s a lot I’m going to say to disagree with Strauss, but he was right to say that we should look for perfection in particular human lives and not in “History.” Strauss thought of himself as discrediting History in the name of history, which is the only place we can find beings open to eternity. (I’ll discuss later the Platonic/Straussian contention that the human desire for immortality–or the continuation of personal being–is, mostly deeply, really the desire to know the eternal, or what’s not personal.)

I agree that we should debate how relevant this worry about History is today, what with the definite discrediting of Communism and similar modern “metanarratives.” Arguably Strauss was too concerned with History. But we still have lots of people around in the thrall of what Strauss called Heideggerian “radical historicism,” which suggests in a related way that people are stuck with being determined by their horizon of their time and place. They include, for example, those who think “technology” determines everything about who are these days.

4 Comments

    matoko_chan
    July 1st, 2009 | 4:11 pm

    They include, for example, those who think “technology” determines everything about who are these days.

    And “they” would be right!

    immortality
    eternity
    consciousness

    Mark Shiffman
    July 1st, 2009 | 4:13 pm

    If the last line is meant to refer (with characteristic Lawlerian affectionate half-seriousness) to “Porchers”, I’ll take it for what it is: a straw man intended to bait the likes of me.

    There is obviously a middle position here, occupied by those who think that pervasive technology influences deeply much of how we think about ourselves and the world it insulates us from (and that this has far-reaching practical consequences). So this is part of the current condition of things that needs to be addressed in order to effect a liberation, both from the contingent distortion of perspective on nature, and from unquestioning acceptance of the practical effects of such distortion. So one can argue that there is an eternal (or, for the believer in creation, a sempiternal) order of nature hidden behind the scientific-technological distortion. And one can argue that this matters not just for philosophers, but for anyone who accepts that loving the Creator, properly understood, involves a rightly attuned love for the creation.

    Otherwise, good stuff.

    Ivan Kenneally
    July 1st, 2009 | 6:12 pm

    So for Strauss, an openness to eternity promotes a kind of political moderation since it reminds us that we can’t simply make History and that History never ends—this is part of the meaning of his insistence on the relation between his conception of philosophy and the “permanent problems”. He was very careful about the way he tended to write about political prudence–he made practical wisdom distinct from and even autonomous in relation to theoretical wisdom–in the Epilogue and the 1st chapter of WIPP (not to mention the leture he gave in 1942–What Can We Learn from Political Theory?) he consistently argued that prudence did not require theoretical wisdom (as he puts it in the 1942 lecture, an intelligent foreign policy needn’t be based on a knowledge of political philosophy). However, theoretical wisdom could help correct the defect of prudence–that it wasn’t necessarily informed by a knowledge of man’s natural ends, or his contingent place in the face of eternity. Philosophy has this double power then, for Strauss, that it can defend and c orrupt prudence, and at the heart of his understanding of political philosophy were these f unctions). In this sense Strauss means to rehabilitate prudence (a kind of statesmanship) by rehabilitating a certain understanding of philosophy as an opeeness to eternity…so there’s a great political significance for Strauss in rehabilitating the figure of the classical philosopher as well who realizes better than anyone his own contingency in the eternal cosmos…


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