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Wednesday, January 19, 2011, 3:51 AM

Let me say that I am grateful to Peter Lawler and James Poulos for the opportunity to write on Postmodern Conservative. My first post is probably excessive and certainly pretentious. I hope to do better in the future. In the future I will try to preach less and point to what others say, but I had to get these thoughts out…

I was discussing the idea of character, meaning the question of what is good moral character, with a friend of mine today. He expressed how he can’t stand hearing discussions that emanate from leading public figures which emphasize the necessity of moral character in the citizenry. He brought up Newt Gingrich—who to my mind didn’t discuss character as much as Alvin Toffler type futurism, and who anyway is somewhat 1990s retrograde—as an example of an invocation to character that inevitably puts the professed moralist into the position of a hypocrite. To be sure (and regardless of the bad example of Gingrich), this is indeed the effectual truth of far too many a moralist. As a former monk in an order of the Catholic Church, my friend claimed to have a lot of personal experience as evidence of those who in positions of authority say one thing and do the opposite. In part, this explains the “former” regarding his many years’ venture in monasticism. He’s right about all this hypocrisy, but as bad as it could be, isn’t this true of any human organization? He’s right in terms of any organization, but is he right in his generic distaste for and condemnation of moralism?

Who could doubt him in his experience? While his experience has soured him to moralistic scolding—and when you speak of scolding I do not know of anyone who cares for it—should it sour one and all to moralistic scolding as such? Surely scolding in terms of disciplining to an expected order is a necessary but not sufficient element toward the capacity of leading a life above ordinary—if not an excellent one. I agree that we are not children, but don’t children need scolding? Shouldn’t even adults—as rare as the occasions may be necessary (I kid)—be held up to moral scrutiny? I’m not asking for Hester Prynne’s scarlet letter, but I am asking for better than Garrison Keillor’s “all the children are above average,” because as cute as that saying is, it is not true. Scolding implies standards that everyone ought to live up to—even if at the end of the day some will excel, and most will not.

In its immensity and diversity of population, with a variety of interest, passion and opinion, a modern nation state like the USA (at the level of politics) is not the best place for the moral scold to tell us all what to do. President Obama has presented himself as such a scold on certain occasions, and when he has done so he has made himself less presidential and overly partisan. While I can’t speak to the specifics of a monastic religious order, I don’t think that scolding is out of bounds in a specific church setting. Though I suspect that nowadays such scolding makes for a loss in the size of the congregation. Most churches don’t emphasize the wrong in wrong doing these days. I’ll admit that as a community college professor, I have found that indirect scolding, vis a vis emphasizing what students should be ashamed of doing, is helpful in getting them to perform rightly the tasks that I ask them to perform. But this is indirect scolding, and there are direct consequences for cheating and plagiarism and the like. They cheat, and I fail them. This is simply the harsh necessity of punishment made in defense of what is commonly understood to be the best in terms of education. However, with some of the students I suspect a crappy paper is the fruit of the fear of punishment. (Don’t get me wrong. I love those crappy papers!) I don’t want college education to be reduced to the criminal law, but I wonder sometimes if this is not the case (at least in the view of some students and administrators).

On the family level, such scolding of our dear little ones is an ultimate requirement. To be sure, words and rules need to be lived up to by all. While there is punishment for their infraction, rules intend to govern the action of all rightly and toward right ends, and in that way they apply to all (including, though differently, to parents). In the ordinary course of things, moral suasion—coupled with habituation—is necessary for the formation of the rudiments of a well-ordered and virtuous life. It turns out that nature has blessed us in that children generally take well to instruction. The family, as an inherited institution, seems to be an excellent social arrangement for the formation of the good character of our dear little ones. It exists in order that they can at the least survive—but hopefully thrive in excellence—in the free society that is ours as such. Still, as we all know, in terms of performing these tasks, some families are better than others.

All this is self evident to Pomocon readers, but my formerly monkish friend seems to wish to rely on the auxiliary precautions of law and sociology. He is suspicious of the family—as I suppose all monks are. He seems to like modern arrangements—as I do too. These external arrangements—an admixture of accident and choice—seem to relieve us of the necessity of asking hard questions regarding what is required to live a responsibly self-governing life. Perhaps such a self-governing life is impossible, at least if one means a life where you have to take account of each individual decision you make. In modern society, as we all “bowl alone” and cling to our “sky gods and boom sticks” (as Jonah Goldberg amusingly paraphrases President Obama), it is perhaps mere emotivism which makes us speak of such things as character and self-government. As was said in the 1970s, we need to get over our “hang-ups” because we know such individual self-reliance in such a diverse and fragmented society as ours is ultimately an illusion. However, the acknowledgement of this stance likewise assumes that we can still establish an abstract Rawlsian political order that will not—in any comprehensive manner—form the character of the denizens to whom such an arrangement applies, but which can nonetheless and simultaneously provide a decent and stable political order. To me, this all seems to be ultimately a bunch of BS, especially as it is proffered as an arrangement based on (hypothetical) choice.

It is true that we can’t make it alone, but the statist solution seems to drain any spirit from a life worth living in the first place. At the very least the sort of statist or collective protection of the bare life will be the foundation that secures the freedom of the good life, i.e., the good life understood as the complete self-expression of individual autonomy. If my bare life is secure along with everyone else, then allegedly I am free to make whatever I can of my good life, as long as it does not impinge on the rights of others. Which ultimately means that the state will have to tell me what I have the right to do in relation to others, but I will accept this situation because I am ultimately by myself and provided in my necessity with the state—even as I know that this is the situation of everyone else. I know where my bread is buttered, as it were, and so does everyone else. This statist good life—which resembles a libertarian fantasy and statist reality—presages some sort of despotism that for good or ill ultimately levels all the wheat stalks to the same height, as Croesus explained it to Solon. At the end of the day it seems that no one, other than the philosopher king, is capable of assigning the right one job for each person in order to make for perfect harmony and justice in any regime—let alone the United States. I suspect that this proper assignment is not possible. The attempt through a data-driven social scientific plan coupled with an abstract philosophy of justice to order and arrange human life makes the statist reality an illusion. It will not happen. Consequently, it raises serious questions about the reality of autonomous self-fashioning, such as it is.

None of this is exemplary of self-government—individually or collectively understood.

I don’t think anyone, liberal or conservative believes any of this statist planning and philosophical theorizing is actually possible as it intends to be. So where does this leave us with the question regarding moral character and its formation? Hopefully it leaves us with a greater appreciation of inherited institutions, i.e., the Constitution and its specific arrangement of powers and offices. But hopefully it also leaves us with a greater appreciation of the kind of people—their virtues and overall character—that historically have made this regime more or less work and which seem to allow for its perpetuation. But this character requires a constant tending to too.

All of this is a prologue to an interesting (and much discussed) article in the Wall Street Journal on “Chinese Mothers” by Amy Chua (which is an excerpt from a soon to be published book). According to Chua, Chinese mothers are harsh, but wonderful. Tocqueville says that democracy makes relations between fathers and sons or parents and children softer. Under equality of conditions, there is a greater degree of friendship and consequently a greater degree of softness. Compared to European families he says this is a good thing. Equality of conditions allows for human beings to freely display a wide array of virtues in the context of the family. In the equality of conditions, this may allow for encouragement to pursue all sorts of dreams and ambitions that were never possible in the ordinary family back in France. It also allows for greater affection, and perhaps even love amongst family members.

However, it may also lead to lassitude in morals—let alone in industry. In the absence of a moral and religious core in the family, equality of conditions may lead to alcoholism, divorce, latch-key kids, alienation, single parent households, and an immense unhappiness in the nuclear family which while it may have chosen itself, is also all by itself. “Johnny, go play your video game and please shut up.” This understandable reality makes the family in terms of its highest calling immensely fragile, even while many recognize that the healthy family remains a necessary component to the functioning let alone flourishing of the larger political order.

In order to prevent such family disorder, Amy Chua offers the “Chinese” mother. As she describes it, I must say that (in a qualified manner) I love the Chinese mother. This mother scolds endlessly in a way which points toward the right. She is downright mean—and at times unreasonably so, but it leads to success in school and career. However, I suspect the Chinese mother also habituates her children for a political regime that is none other than despotism. It is true that an obedient child—even one who is excellent in math or music—is still not necessarily a child that is being properly habituated to live in a free liberal democracy. Football and theater may not be as great as math or science (as the Chinese mother says), and in fact I would agree that for certain students they should be subordinate. Nonetheless, football and theater teach a degree of spiritedness that is necessary to prevent despotism. With nothing but expert musicians and mathematicians, we have nothing other than the proverbial voluptuaries without heart and specialists without spirit. After all, even Hugo Chavez’s Venezuela has a wonderful youth orchestra.

It is true that I would rather have a child as an excellent pianist who could put Glen Gould to shame over some kid who thought he was better than the latest Green Day album. That said, I don’t think Amy Chua necessarily raises good kids when she thinks that success is winning the Van Cliburne competition or even college Jeopardy. Chinese mothers—good as they are—seem to teach habits conducive to what Lenin called Aziatchina. I am in awe of, and—in the general context of contemporary American society—in agreement with the typical Chinese mother, but I have my doubts.

Of course some people have different opinions on the Chinese mother.

Enter David Brooks—he claims the Chinese mother is a paper tiger. She’s a wimp compared to the cognitive skills required of our youth to handle the cognitive dissonance of real lived personal relationships. The cognitive abilities required in negotiating group dynamics are far more severe in discipline than is mastering the quadratic equation or a Beethoven sonata on the piano. I think Brooks is affirming my point, but he is making the point as if one need not think beyond the practical issue at hand. Simply have your kid attend a sleepover with friends, and hopefully the kids won’t sneak out to smoke weed and vandalize the neighborhood. Even if the young ones engage in such anti-social behavior, it will be educational as the particular child learns the reality of crushing defeat in his inability to persuade his friends to do otherwise. His efforts may end in ridicule and defeat, but he will have learned a more important lesson—even if he gets a police record. Apparently, learning that being good is feeble compared the thrill of misbehaving is necessary to the cognitive—not simply moral—education of the child. All this is to say that I think the Chinese mother instinctually knows what’s best, in that she suspects the worst for “spontaneous” groupings of youth that are expected to teach themselves the practical virtues necessary for living one amongst another together. Save the Thucydidean education for refection in maturity.

So perhaps Rousseau’s account in the Emile is correct. Tutors, nay parents, must establish scenarios of freedom for the child—scenarios that are orchestrated toward having the child learn the lesson of free choice and its consequences for himself. Don’t let it get out of hand, but don’t become the tyrannical Chinese mother either. If it is true that the education of the household is the preeminent education, and if we wish to have an education proper to living with each other in a way that allows for individual self-government, then Brooks is right that education must be more than mathematics and music. The drama club, the sleepovers, the school dances, the football team, etc. need to be guided in such a way that place external, albeit hidden, restraints which guide the youth toward their proper end. Such a scenario needs a little bit of the Chinese mother, and less a reliance on brain science working itself out spontaneously over time. Or so it seems to me.

And needless to say the mollycoddling, Oprah cry your feelings, self-entitlement, self-esteem boosterism racket—that many folk fairly or unfairly place in Dr. Spock’s and Mr. Rogers’ hands—needs to end (or at least be modified by something sterner).

But maybe I’m too insensitive and puritanical for today’s mores. Knowledge of the proper ends of life is endlessly frustrated in the rearing of children. Perhaps we should just lighten up, and let Huck Finn be Huck Finn as he hangs out with Tom Sawyer. It is an adequate compromise.

11 Comments

    Peter Lawler
    January 19th, 2011 | 9:33 am

    Welcome, John. That’s a long and very thoughtful post that I will have to absorb. So let me just say that being puritanical, in moderation, is a good thing. And so is being sensitive as long as it does morph into emo. Brooks’ criticism of the hyper-Chinese mom as a wimp is actually, to my mind, her best defense.

    Kenton
    January 19th, 2011 | 10:11 am

    Obscure reference to a Police song in 7/4 time in title was greatness.

    Gaelan Murphy
    January 19th, 2011 | 3:52 pm

    That was an excellent post that has spurred me from my lurking status. Some preliminary, non-synthetic, and more or less spontaneous thoughts. The general tenor of the post captures my own feelings towards the necessity of standards to govern our public and private lives. However, it is the differences that are more revealing.

    First, regarding the family. I very much like the image of the family as an institution capable of character formation and excellence. However, I am afraid it is only an image precisely because it is no longer an inherited institution. As a result even for those that are inclined by spirit and practice towards this kind of familial education in character and excellence there aren’t mimetic or inherited patterns to be reproduced. In short, I cannot be a “Chinese mother” because I am not Chinese (nor a woman but that is another matter). Moreover, I am not English, or Irish, or German, or anything else (even though I am all of these things). This has happened for two reasons. First, for those who begin to have children in their thirties (as most Professionals do) there is almost a gap of a generation between the formative moments of their childhood and their own parental responsibilities. If the passing of virtue from one generation to the next is already a perennial problem (Book VIII of Republic) then passing virtue by skipping a generation is surely worse. Second, we were raised by a generation of parents who did not believe in excellence and virtue. The cumulative effect is that any attempt to impose standards of excellence and character have to be invented according to some kind of arbitrary rational principles. Once the break with tradition has occurred it cannot be reconstituted by an act of will. Indeed the attempt to reconstitute order through an act of the will is the hallmark of progressivism. As such, for Plato and for us, the family cannot be an institution of excellence and character because the social conditions that make excellence a question undermine the inherited nature of the family as an institution.

    This point is supported by Tocqueville’s observation concerning the bonds of affection in democratic families. The democratic family is sustained by love and affection; a democratic parent is supposed to love their children “unconditionally.” This leads to the doctrine of self-esteem and mutual support at the expense of excellence and “scolding.” At the same time, democratic parents want to be proud of their children. This leads to the “Chinese mother” phenomena in which it is the responsibility of the parent to drive the child to accomplishments worthy of pride, i.e. honour. And so the responsible democratic parent (note the ailments of modern parenting; “alcoholism, divorce, latch-key kids, alienation, single parent households, and an immense unhappiness in the nuclear family” reflect neither of these poles) is trapped between these two real, yet irreconcilable, positions. Moreover, they are trapped between these two positions without any inherited tradition to guide them because their connection to their inherited traditions have been irrevocably broken.

    Finally, these questions on the family are subsets of the larger Tocquevillian question of “how shall we be gathered?” The implication of the anti-statist position is that the State serves as an impediment to other, more natural, forms of gathering at the local level. However, what if these forms of gathering are not natural and will not rise up in the absence of the State? What if they have been sustained by the inherited traditions of the past, or the mimetic inheritances of the same, which have been broken by “equality of conditions?” In this case, the State may be the last institution capable of gathering together the atomized individuals of modern society.

    This last point leads to the question of the difference between American conservatism infused with a healthy dose of American exceptionalism, and conservatism more broadly understood. The American conservative political position (as articulated here and elsewhere) depends upon the spontaneous articulation of human association derived either from nature or from the particular American experience. However if freedom does not spontaneously form order (and I agree it doesn’t) and instead must rely upon “moral/religious reserves it did not create” (as Professor Hancock put it) then is it not reasonable to suggest that these moral and religious reserves are not spontaneous either.
    Whatever our external standards that bind freedom, be they moral and religious reserves or “Chinese excellence” the question must be asked how they can serve as standards for all those to whom they are not prior. The crisis of our time is that it is historical memory that sustains our conceptions of excellence and virtue but the very characteristic of our time (as the age of progress) is to regard historical memory as retrograde elements of the past. This is the “cry of distress” that animates Zarathustra and, in my view, it is not something that can be addressed through either conventional anti-statism or Chinese mothering.

    Carl Eric Scott
    January 19th, 2011 | 6:59 pm

    Something about Brooks’ response is screechingly pathetic, even if some of its gist rings true. Without quite endorsing the Chinese mom model of parenting, I endorse your response to him, John, big-time.

    Yes, schoolboys and schoolgirls need to learn a thing or two from the popular kids, (and from the artsy kids) but the artificial-bubble behavior that our social structures encourage in the schoolyards and at sleepovers and in the social networks cannot reflect bottom-line political reality. For that, you need to experience Anabasis-like or Plymouth-like experiences.

    You want to raise up leaders, Brooks? Yank the kids off student council, and get him or her in speech and debate, or maybe to the local town council. Or let the young see how competent and ambitious people negociate status rivalries and so forth within contemporary bureacracies, if you can somehow finagle that.

    But don’t kid yourself that the kids are going to be all right and learnin’ like the dickens just spontaneously hangin’ out. To turn The School of Rock upside-down, or at least sideways, in our day and age you have to Stick Up FOR the Man more than you have to Stick It TO the Man, because the actual “MAN” in our day and age is a coddling yet endlessly rule-making wimpmaster who’d probably encourage you to form yet another useless rock band. So I’m for sticking up for Chua. (Disagree, young rebel? But you can’t even be a rebel unless your parents are like “Zack’s” parents, i.e., like Mrs. Chua, right? And face it, Debussy is better than ACDC.)

    To paraphrase Aristotle, no genuine polis exists for the sake of increasing our “emotional intelligence,” or our collective cognitive whatchama-have you. It is united by and exists for specific conceptions of human excellence and justice.

    The latest studies are showing us that college kids who engage in group study more than they do private study do less well grade-wise. And I can report that when you ask these same group-study kids a truly substantive question, say, one about political justice, they burble off into incoherence and cliche.

    Chuck
    January 20th, 2011 | 4:52 pm

    The most important thing to remember is that in American Culture, no public scold can succeed because any scold can be easily silenced with the push of a mute button. The Chinese Mother is an interesting type, but no one but the Chinese would put up with her.

    John Presnall
    January 21st, 2011 | 1:58 am

    Thanks for all the comments.

    Gaelan, you may be right that I am abstract in my description of the facts on the ground regarding the family. Its solitude on a precipice after all pious illusions have been stripped from it may be the truth. It may be the case that Nietzsche speaks the truth.

    It may be true that in the absence of a centrally planned policy which provides for the bare life–what is called civil society–is so atrophied that it cannot reassert itself in any meaningful manner. Though I doubt this. It seems too cynical in a way that ignores the way of life actually lived by modern (or postmodern) trying to raise families today.

    When I look around in my own community, I think the actual scenario may be worth while thinking about other than what in the social science literature is thought about the matter. In these communities, these are people who seem to handle their own lives by themselves, raise families, as well as hold guns (I live in Texas after all). They believe in God and try to live in accordance with Christian ways. You are somewhat right regarding the emptiness of the public–but only in a general way. I don’t think that what is required for a good family and providing a place for the formation of a decent citizen is entirely washed away in this circumstance. I could be wrong, but the way of life of ordinary Texas/American citizens is surprisingly geared toward God, while simultaneously appreciative of the popular government that the Constitution provides for. Yes, from my angle they are excessive on the populism stuff–especially since by themselves they do not even represent a numerical majority. They are becoming a special interest in today’s politics. However, I think they represent a segment of the population that is worthy of being listened to.

    Carl, what can I say? I agree entirely with your analysis. Your take on the School of Rock is especially on point, in that I watched that film with my nephew and now I think I was playing the bad uncle. I think I corrupted him, because the film teaches standing against the “Man,” when that is too simple.

    Thanks for pointing out what is too simple in my presentation of things.

    Peter Lawler
    January 21st, 2011 | 9:12 am

    John, Your third from the bottom long paragraph is on the money. That’s why I talk up the evangelicals as definitely not “last men,” but you need to say more about the real emphasis on personal love and charity. So you may be wrong to center your analysis on citizenship; our evangelicals are far more first of all about God, family, and place. And they stand up and tear up when Lee Greenwood sings only ambiguously as citizens. That’s why one of my criticism of the Porchers is their denial of the reality of evangelical faith and high-tech religion and family life (for their excessive Nietzschean/Marxian after-virtue-ism). (I could go on and talk about the Mormons, who believe America is a sacred cause but aren’t first of all American citizens.)

    I agree with the criticism of the School of Rock. But it presupposes that anyone took it or Jack Black in general seriously. He’s not so funny, after all.

    Carl Eric Scott
    January 21st, 2011 | 12:03 pm

    Y’all are too kind to my Brooks-provoked rant–Peter’s right that John’s third from the bottom paragraph is the way to go. And I’m grateful that my mom wasn’t a Chinese one overall, although it is true I wish she had made my stick with piano.

    John, the movie to watch my your nephew of course is Mon Oncle, the best film by Jacques Tati, aka Mr. Hulot.

    Ken Masugi
    January 22nd, 2011 | 9:18 pm

    A sober moment of levity for this thoughtful exchange, on the Asian father: http://highexpectationsasianfather.tumblr.com/

    Married To a Chinese Wife
    January 26th, 2011 | 4:27 pm

    I get to see the results of Chinese parenting everyday, and I’m not impressed. OK, typical American parenting leaves a lot to be desired, too, and there are good things to be said for some strictness, rules, and such.

    But, I don’t at all agree with the Chinese saying “Nagging is love”. It’s not, and it doesn’t help to form deep relationships. I want my children to do what is right because they understand why it’s right and believe it’s right, not because I said so. “Because I said so” parenting won’t stand up against all the social pressures once my children out on their own.

    I like what one talk radio host (Dennis Pronger IIRC) said: we need to raise our children so they can be happy as adults, and not worry if they’re happy as children. What I tell me wife is a little different: what matters is getting to heaven.

    astorian
    February 7th, 2011 | 6:10 pm

    Quite apart from the possible virtues of Amy Chua’s approach, it’s worth noting that:

    1) Ms. Chua herself is not “Chinese” or even “Non-Western.” She was born and raised in the United States

    2) In modern China itself, it is widely believed that children are overly coddled, pampered and spoiled. Google the phrase “little emperors” and see what I mean.

    There may or may not be much to admire in Ms. Chua’s philosophy on parenting, but it’s not at all clear that her approach is truly Chinese, or even that her approach is shared by most modern Chinese parents.


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