The following remarks were presented at an Interfaith Vigil of Blessing on the eve of the Inauguration of Teresa A. Sullivan, President, University of Virginia Charlottesville.
Imagine if the great Dominican theologian and philosopher Thomas Aquinas were to come here to Charlottesville to meet another great thinker whose given name he shared. What if these two Thomases, Aquinas and Jefferson, were, through some suspension of time, to dine together?
The potential difficulties of this imagined encounter spring immediately to mind, especially if the conversation were to turn to the subject of religion. Mr. Jefferson famously re-wrote the New Testament, expunging all the miracles and doctrinal claims. For Aquinas, seeking the intelligibility of doctrine was his life’s calling and, as to miracles, he might well have considered Jefferson’s genius at least something of a miracle.
But for all their differences of time and belief, Jefferson and Aquinas had similar minds. Sir Isaiah Berlin begins his justly famous essay on Tolstoy by recalling a fragment of Greek poetry which read: “The fox knows many things. The hedgehog knows one big thing.” While admitting the danger of oversimplification, Berlin suggests that we can recognize two distinct ways of knowing in the great minds of history: those who, like the fox, focus on the many and the varied, and those who, like the hedgehog, concern themselves with one great thought or insight.
Berlin counts Shakespeare, Aristotle, Erasmus, Goethe, Pushkin and Joyce among the foxes, and Plato, Dante, Pascal, Hegel, Dostoevsky and Ibsen among the hedgehogs. Our Thomases were consummate foxes. For all their differences of opinion and belief, each had a remarkably similar cast of mind. In part, this explains the wide range of the questions they both posed and answered. Of one thing we can be certain about our imagined dinner conversation: it would not have been boring.
Jefferson might well have decided to serve macaroni and a bottle of Nebbiolo wine to his distinguished Italian guest, but French would almost certainly have been their medium of communication. Although both were also quite comfortable in Latin, French they would have known as a conversational language and, while Aquinas’ medieval French would have differed from the French of Jefferson’s day, they could have made themselves understood.
French might have also suggested itself because of their surroundings. If they were dining at Monticello, Jefferson might have explained that his beautiful home was modeled in part on the Palais de Salm, in Paris, a city they both knew. That palace was not yet built when Thomas Aquinas was there in the thirteenth century, of course, but the classical architecture which it evoked would have been quite familiar to both men. Indeed, they might have first met not at Monticello, but here on campus. In 1824, when the Marquis de Lafayette came to Charlottesville, a great banquet in his honor was held at the Rotunda. Had Aquinas been feted there too, he would have recognized the building, modeled after the Pantheon, which he knew from his time in Rome, a city Jefferson never visited but whose buildings he knew from architectural drawings.
These architectural affinities might have served as a conversation starter, but they point to another affinity, an intellectual affinity that might have pervaded their conversation. Both men looked to the ancients for inspiration and learning. Neither was hampered by that vanity unique to our own culture, with its protean, self-made sensibilities, which assumes that we have nothing to learn from the past. Both men wrestled, neither of them slavishly, with the intellectual greats of the past.
Aquinas, of course, saw himself very consciously as part of an intellectual and spiritual tradition, while Jefferson certainly saw as much to overcome in tradition as to be enshrined. But Jefferson, too, functioned within the intellectual tradition of Western civilization. Both were free of the crippling effects of the kind of contemporary hermeneutic of suspicion that forms part of our intellectual legacy.
It would be a grave misreading of Jefferson to interpret his commitment to rationality, his condemnation of superstition, and his intolerance for religious dogma as harbingers of this skepticism. This was a man who did not reject the possibilities of reason, but relished them.
Both Thomases sought to purify the intellectual discourse of their day with new insights, but neither man ever denied the possibility that human reason can and must work out for itself basic ideas of justice, of morality, and of human flourishing. Contemplating our dull and conformist consumerism, both Thomases would have concurred in the judgment that a man committed to the life of reason would be more readily able to resist the subtle slavery to merely materialistic yearnings.
In the course of their conversation, Jefferson might well have offered the witness of this institution itself—the University of Virginia—to counter any impression of skepticism prompted by a few stray sentences among his writings. Jefferson was more proud of his work founding this university than he was of being President of the United States. A man who is not committed to the proposition that human reason is capable of ascertaining the truth of things, of penetrating into the mysteries of nature and articulating the premises for justice and moral decency—we can imagine him saying to Aquinas—such a man does not found a university dedicated to the transmission of human knowledge and wisdom.
Thomas Aquinas was equally committed to university life. To be sure, when Thomas taught at the University of Paris, universities were themselves something of a novelty. The University of Paris was more than 500 years old when Jefferson established this great university in Charlottesville. But, Thomas Aquinas, like Thomas Jefferson, was not content merely to gain knowledge, he wished to share it and dedicated himself to a life of teaching as well as learning.
The desire to share knowledge, and not just to acquire it, exhibits not only a conviction shared by our two Thomases, but a shared virtue. Each understood, albeit in very different ways, that his prodigious gifts were not solely at his own disposal but were intended by their very nature to be shared.
Aquinas would have located that desire to share his knowledge in human nature, which was, in turn, rooted in the very essence of the Trinitarian God he worshipped. Jefferson likewise would have recognized the desire to share his knowledge in human nature, and would have seen that nature as rooted in a less personal God, but in a God who created the universe nonetheless.
Indeed, the first thing we learn about God in the Bible is that He is the Creator. Jefferson understood his deistic God in similar terms. For all the differences in their understanding of the Godhead, perhaps it is here that we find in both men something that made them godly: They used their talents and energy to create.
So far from despairing at the injustices and cruelties of human existence, both men recognized the goodness of life and sought to create ways to better understand their fellow men, to provide the intellectual architecture for a just and decent society, and to pass this on to future generations. They would have rejected, albeit not without reasoned argument, the nihilism and relativism that pervade our culture. If it turned on these issues, their conversation would surely have been a lively one.
Here this evening, inspired by these two great Thomases, we commit ourselves to rigorous and hopeful intellectual endeavors, and, in this interfaith vigil at the Church of St. Thomas Aquinas, we unite in calling God’s blessing on Teresa Ann Sullivan, the new president of Mr. Jefferson’s University. Jefferson and Aquinas would, I think, be pleased.
J. Augustine Di Noia, O.P. is the Archbishop Secretary of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments.
Comments:
While she admired them all, she was particularly troubled at the hypocrisy of Jefferson in declaring all men to be created equal while he enslaved well over a hundred of those men (and women), some of whom, we now know, may have been his own children. Yes, it was a terrible thing, as I explained to my daughter, but Jefferson was aware of the contradiction and was also aware that it must end and wrote about the problems slavery presented as a contradiction to the founding principles and the difficulties in ending it. He saw himself and his nation in a trapped, a trap that must eventually be escaped and he recognized that doing so would not be a simple matter. Indeed, in addition to the presidential homes, we also visited Gettysburg, Antietam, and Harpers Ferry, all site which witnessed the terrible price paid to free the nation from the awful trap.
I say all this to suggest that Jefferson might have welcomed the insights of a man with the intellectual power and moral authority of St. Thomas as to how the problem might be addressed and resolved. The slave quarters might have been an embarrassment to Jefferson as he showed St. Thomas around the grounds of Monticello, as they should have been, but I suspect he would have been particularly interested in opening that conversation.
My imagined encounter goes a bit differently -- a friendly, gentleman debate over presumptions and fallacies. I suspect they'd have a heated, though never angry, discussion for many hours, eventually ending with sharing glasses of brandy, an agreement to see things a bit differently, and some jovial laughter.
It always astonishes me how willing theologians throughout history were to acknowledge the unknowability of the God they believed in; it is a sad and stark comparison to today, where nearly all theologians and people of any colorable religious view presume the inerrancy of their beliefs.
I agree that Aquinas and Jefferson could have had a fine civil discussion and that they both had a high idea of the need for a university and the spread of ideas.
“Know the smallest things and the biggest things, the shallowest things and the deepest things. As if it were a straight road mapped out on the ground ... These things cannot be explained in detail. From one thing, know ten thousand things. When you attain the Way of strategy there will not be one thing you cannot see. You must study hard.”
Although Thomas Aquinas was not really pro-slavery, neither was he an abolitionist.
As for Jefferson, he was a hot-head with a profound respect for European culture and all things Italian. (They say his mistress while he lived in Paris was the wife of the Italian ambassador.) I can see him at first being wary of the great Aquinas, then amused by his unworldliness and ultimately captivated by his intelligence.
The question derives from the fact that universities as we know them today are most certainly not places for the free exchange or ideas, but, rather, venues where dissent from accepted views is either suppressed or severely punished. In their conversation, what would Aquinas and Jefferson have to say about that?
"History, I believe, furnishes no example of a priest-ridden people maintaining a free civil government. This marks the lowest grade of ignorance of which their civil as well as religious leaders will always avail themselves for their own purposes" (Letter to von Humboldt, 1813).
"In every country and in every age, the priest has been hostile to liberty. He is always in alliance with the despot, abetting his abuses in return for protection to his own" (Letter to H. Spafford, 1814).
"The hocus-pocus phantasm of a God like another Cerberus, with one body and three heads, had its birth and growth in the blood of thousands and thousands of martyrs." -- Letter to James Smith, December 8, 1822
"And the day will come when the mystical generation of Jesus, by the supreme being as his father in the womb of a virgin will be classed with the fable of the generation of Minerva in the brain of Jupiter. But we may hope that the dawn of reason and freedom of thought in these United States will do away with all this artificial scaffolding, and restore to us the primitive and genuine doctrines of this the most venerated reformer of human errors." -- Jefferson's letter to John Adams, April 11 1823
No one has ever seen God), Aquinas gives a perhaps last deep insight of his method and scriptural view. In this Essay, we astonish about his everlasting willingness to save both the Latin approach, which has confidence in truth, to know the supreme methaphysical truth, God's essence, standing set with the Eastern one, involving the necessity not to empty the mistery. He said that we cannot see the essence of God even "at home", in heaven. Even the Blessed soul of Christ he stated, could appreciate (comprehendere) the essence of God!
My point in answering Peter was not to agree with his apparent assumption that Thomas Aquinas opposed slavery (though the form of chattel slavery practiced in America was different in many respects from ancient forms of slavery in classic civilizations, so I'm not sure how far we can extrapolate from what Aquinas wrote about slavery and what he would have thought about the American form practiced in the late 18th and early 19th century). My point was, rather, that Jefferson was well aware of the incompatibility of American chattel slavery with the words he penned in the Declaration, understood that such slavery needed to be abolished, foresaw that it would be, but simply did not know anyway to accomplish it without a great national tragedy -- the consequences of letting go of the wolf's ears, if I may borrow from Jefferson's own analogy. Unlike Peter, I believe Jefferson would have welcomed St. Thomas's thoughts on how the contradiction might be resolved in a peaceful manner and would not have refrained from showing the latter his slave quarters while the two of them discussed the matter. What advice St. Thomas might have offered, I do not know and won't speculate. In other words, I was only addressing the issue from Jefferson's perspective, not St. Thomas's.
You underestimate Aquinas. I don't think he'd ignore Jefferson out-right because he's anti-Catholic. I don't think Aquinas would talk to him just to convert him. As a great thinker of the Church, Aquinas would do as the writer of this article has done. He would see what was good in Jefferson's thought and recognize and appreciate it. He would also discern what was lacking or imperfect in Jefferson's thought and, as appropriate, rebuke him. As my Dominican education has taught me, "never deny, seldom affirm, and always distinguish."
His native abilities, combined with the practical means (see Kosciuszko's last will and testament, naming Thomas Jefferson the executor), offered a chance to at least sketch out a path for others to follow.
President Jefferson was tolerant of Catholics as documented in his letter to the Usaline nuns in New Orleans following the purchase of the Louisiana Territory.
Next Saint Thomas would have expalined the problem of defining otwo words, pro-creation and fornication , and then differentiating between the two.
The root of both of these now causing problems effecting the US then, as now, may be traced back to Henry VIII and Elizabeth I of England.
It is indeed sad. He could have at least accepted the sacrifices necessary in his own life to free his own slaves, a life spent living beyond his means and leaving large unpaid debts at his death. Like all of us, he held dear to things that kept him from doing what he ought. Had he made the sacrifices necessary to free his slaves, his place in history would be all the greater.


