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Russian Orthodoxy and Lenin’s Tomb

Almost 40 years ago, an aging Anglican clergyman told me a story about his first trip to Paris as a boy—perhaps in the 1920s. His grandfather had called him in, told him that he had a gift to be used in the French capital, and then gave my friend a small pocket mirror. The boy, puzzled, asked his grandfather what the mirror might be for. The following dialogue ensued:

“You are going to Paris, I understand?”

“Yes, Grandfather.”

“I suppose they’ll take you to see where they’ve buried the little monster” (meaning Napoleon, in Les Invalides).

“Well, when you get there, you’ll see that things have been arranged so that Englishmen must bow their heads when looking down at him” (Napoleon is buried in a huge red quartzite sarcophagus on which one does, in fact, look down when entering Les Invalides).

“Yes, Grandfather.”

“Well, my boy, you are to stand with your back to him and, if you must see his tomb, hold the mirror over your head and look at the tomb through it.”

“Yes, Grandfather.”

I hadn’t thought of this story in decades—until I read this past summer that the Russian Orthodox Patriarchate of Moscow was urging caution in the face of pressures to remove Lenin’s mummified corpse from its granite mausoleum in Red Square and bury the remains. “It is obvious that the condition of Lenin’s body does not fit into Russia’s cultural tradition … but we should take into account the opinions of various social groups and avoid making decisions that entail social upheavals,” said the Russian Orthodox spokesman for “relations between Church and society,” Archpriest Vsevolod Chaplin.

Really?

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, known for over a century now by his Bolshevik nom-de-guerre, Lenin, was one of history’s greatest mass murderers. In the course of his ruthless efforts to impose communism on Russia and its neighbors through brutal force, terror, and extra-judicial homicides in the millions, he became one of the greatest persecutors of the Christian Church in two millennia. Lenin’s minions killed more Christians in a slow week than the last of the great Roman persecutors, Diocletian, did in years. All this is thoroughly documented—to the point where Russian Orthodoxy considers many of Lenin’s victims as martyrs and saints and celebrates their feasts in its liturgical calendar.

And yet today’s Russian Orthodox leadership cannot bring itself to say that this monster’s mummified corpse should cease, immediately, being an object of curiosity or veneration?

It is true that there are “various social groups” in Russia who would object to shutting down Lenin’s mausoleum and burying his corpse, because they still regard Lenin as a hero. In the face of such moral imbecility, however, surely the role of Russian Orthodoxy, as one guardian of the truth of Russia’s history, is to explain in detail why no morally sane person would want to honor Lenin. As for those 30 percent of Russians who are said to want to keep Lenin’s mummy just where it is, because it’s a major tourist attraction and thus a source of income, the Church might well explain that some things are not worth making money from, and that tourists should not be encouraged in their disordered desires.

A senior Catholic official deeply involved in ecumenical affairs once said, of Russian Orthodoxy, that “they don’t know how to be anything other than chaplain to the czar—whoever the czar is.” The martyrs of Orthodoxy under communism belie that wholesale dismissal, although the centuries-long entanglement of the Moscow Patriarchate has created very few models for a Russian Orthodox Church capable of speaking truth to power in twenty-first century Russia—a country where authoritarianism of an increasingly brutal sort has quickly followed a brief flirtation with genuine democracy. But surely a minimum of self-respect—and respect for its martyrs—ought to compel the Russian Orthodox Church to lead, not oppose or hinder, any move to demythologize Lenin and put an end to his obscene tomb, home to a mummified mass murderer and maniacal persecutor of the Church of Christ.

George Weigel is Distinguished Senior Fellow of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, D.C.

Comments:

9.14.2011 | 3:13am
Rick says:
When I was working in the Soviet Union during the summer of 1989 (I was participating in earthquake reconstruction after the horrendous Armenian earthquake the previous December), I saw the ubiquitous busts and banners and paintings of Lenin from Moscow to Yerevan. I was intensely curious about opinions concerning Lenin, and they covered quite a range, from the elderly man on the banks of the Neva River in Leningrad who pointed up to a huge Lenin banner flying overhead, looked pained, and gave an emphatic "thumbs down" sign, to the woman who patiently explained to me that although Stalin had clearly gone "too far" and possibly betrayed the revolution, Lenin was a true revolutionary hero and genius who should still be honored.

Lenin's staunchest defender was a Komsomol chief and Communist Party member on our reconstruction team who never tired of telling us that "he who does not work, does not eat." Strangely, this prematurely paunchy young man seemed to be the greatest exception to the principle.

I think your little essay above comes close to portraying this brilliant, demented fanatic in his true colors.
9.14.2011 | 7:07am
Resh Galuta says:
Russian Orthodoxy has suffered far more from foreign Christian and Moslem invaders than from Russian atheists. Probably the Russian Church believes Lenin's corpse does no harm in its present situation and accomplishes some good, as a source of Russian patriotism and pride. They have good reason to be skeptical of non-Russian non-Orthodox advice.
9.14.2011 | 9:51am
arty says:
I find Resh Galuta's argument a little difficult to swallow. One simple example: When the Bolsheviks organized the "League of the Militant Godless" in the early era of communism, they ended up with an interesting problem: what to do about the large numbers of former Orthodox priests who were banging down the doors to go preach the new word of atheism? Examples like this illustrate the inroads of atheism, and the readiness of at least one sector of the population to embrace it in a rather spectacular fashion.

From the tone of Galuta's comment, though, I doubt this example will matter. (I await indignant reference to the invasion of Russia by that trope-ical Polish Jesuit, the First False Dmitrii). Come on, Nevskii is a national hero because he defeated the Teutonic Knights, not because he lost.
9.14.2011 | 10:15am
Short of Christ's return, there will always be idols hanging around. But then things will be different. A description of the Day of the Lord from Isaiah 2:18-20 (ASV) has a nicely symmetric set of prophecies about this:

18 And men shall go into the caves of the rocks, and into the holes of the earth, from before the terror of Jehovah, and from the glory of his majesty, when he ariseth to shake mightily the earth.

19 In that day men shall cast away their idols of silver, and their idols of gold, which have been made for them to worship, to the moles and to the bats;

20 to go into the caverns of the rocks, and into the clefts of the ragged rocks, from before the terror of Jehovah, and from the glory of his majesty, when he ariseth to shake mightily the earth.

Until verses 18 and 20 happen, verse 19 will be honored mainly in the breach rather than in the observance.
9.14.2011 | 11:01am
Oops--should be verses 19, 20 and 21.
9.14.2011 | 11:27am
Cogito says:
Oddly, remember, it takes two people to fight. And two parties to go to war.

Today, Christians commonly blame Communism entirely for the wars in Russia and so forth. But many Christians, (cf. White Russians), supported the Czars and serfdom/slavery. And they fought Lenin, and forces for democracy. Thus they contributed to many deaths.

IF Christians had not supported serfdom/slavery, as part of the "divine right of kings," perhaps a communist revolution would not have been necessary.
9.14.2011 | 11:32am
jason taylor says:
Defacing the tomb of political opponents is a vulgar and sordid habit as well as a hubristic attempt to carry one's Earthly hatreds into the next world. Defacing tombs is the sort of thing Lenin would do, and one the Orthodox Church is right to avoid.

Lenin has received his reward and unless hypothetically he repented it is, insofar as a mortal has a right to speculate about such matters, a safe probability that his reward will be far more acute then anything any of us can give him
9.14.2011 | 12:53pm
pentamom says:
Or, if you prefer, 1987.
9.14.2011 | 12:54pm
pentamom says:
Cogito -- I didn't realize that Stalin was still fighting the Czars in the 1930's. And Chiang Kai-shek was an imperialist? Who knew?
9.14.2011 | 2:12pm
Jack Perry says:
I once read that Stalin "made up" with the Russian Orthodox Church after the second world war, to a limited extent, because they opposed the invaders. Don't know how true that is, but I am reliably informed that even with that detente, Russians who were openly Christian were not allowed to enjoy some of the privileges of the Soviet state, such as attending a university.

Rick mentioned the quote, "he who does not work, does not eat." The irony is that most Russians would have been stated a parody of that quote, "he who does not work, eats," from the fabulously popular Krushchev-era comedy, "Operation Y and Other Adventures of Shurik."
9.14.2011 | 3:59pm
As a recent convert to Eastern Orthodoxy who was brought into the church through the previously Russian OCA, and who's patron saint is Fr. John Kochurov, I want to say this to George Weigel: More please. Much, much more.
9.14.2011 | 5:57pm
Mike says:
Cogito: People forget that the czar liberated the serfs BEFORE the united states freed the slaves!!!! and what is this hogwash about one party "blaming" another party for WW1 and WW2? WW1 began before the russian revolution.

You are obviously confusing your medieval history ("the divine right of kings") with the turbulent history of russia in the late 19th/early 20th centuries. the problem was that the White Russians were much too disorganized and on the perifery to fight the bolsheviks- who had control of the heartland and used terror and murder.

Lenin should be removed. I remember as a child dreaming about lobbing some grenades in the mausoleam. hehehehe. blow that sucker up!
9.14.2011 | 10:53pm
Andrew says:
Mike, a small correction: "Divine Right of Kings" was a modern theory, not a medieval one.

The middle ages gave us the separation of church and state in the 11th century, which was wound back from the sixteenth on by centralised national churches (Russian Orthodox among them) under the control of absolutist monarchs.
9.15.2011 | 5:10am
I guess Catholics now have an idea of the anger that many Orthodox felt when Stepinac -- who was complicit in the forced conversion of so many Serbian Orthodox to Catholicism -- was beatified by John Paul II.
9.15.2011 | 6:59am
Michael PS says:
The “divine right” of kings, and of rulers generally, has been with us for a long time and has undergone considerable changes in emphasis and even in meaning.

From the beginning, Christians taught obedience to the civil power: “Submit yourselves for the Lord's sake to every authority instituted among men: whether to the king, as the supreme authority...” (1 Pet 2:23 cf Rom 13:1, 13:5)

In the 11th century, during the quarrel between the Empire and the Papacy, “divine right” was used by the Imperial party to assert the autonomy of the civil power in its own sphere, free from ecclesiastical interference. In some countries today, this is by no means a dead issue.

In the 17th century, “divine right” was used by Legitimists to assert the indefeasible right of a ruling house, notably partisans of the House of Stuart and, similarly in the 19th century by French supporters of the Bourbon claimant against Orléanists and Bonapartists, conveniently forgetting Pépin le Bref’s deposition of Childeric III, with the approval of Pope Zachery.

More significantly, in the 17th century, “divine right” was linked to the idea of sovereignty: the notion that, in every independent state, there must be some person (or body of persons) who can make or unmake any law whatsoever. This was closely linked with the revival of Roman Law; its original proponent, Bodin, was a lawyer from Toulouse, in the heart of the “pays de droit écrit.” It is the very antithesis of mediaeval feudal and customary law.
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