America’s health care system is insane. As David Goldhill observed in a 2009 Atlantic piece, asking an insurance company to pay for a routine visit to the doctor is like filing an auto insurance claim every time you fill up. Because they don’t have to worry about out-of-pocket expenses, patients try everything, no matter how much it costs or how remote the chances that it will help. Insurance costs don’t rise because insurance companies are especially greedy. Costs keep rising because of dynamics inherent in the system.
We’ve got the best medical gizmos in the world, but wizardry doesn’t necessarily translate into better care. My father, a general practitioner of the old school, spent hours with his patients, and often found that a long conversation was as therapeutic as medicine. Some were his patients from delivery to death. Today, patients spend less than five minutes each time they visit the man or woman who knows the most intimate details of their physical lives.
And stuffing the federal government between patient and doctor doesn’t help. Since insurance drives up costs, requiring insurance won’t lower them. As Thomas Sowell puts it, “it is amazing that people who think we cannot afford to pay for doctors, hospitals, and medication somehow think that we can afford to pay for doctors, hospitals, medications and a government bureaucracy to administer it.” Amazing, unless you recognize that the government administration’s purpose will be to determine what people really need, which will inevitably be less than what people think they need.
Whether Obamacare stands or falls, we need to rethink American health care in a more fundamental way. Jacques Godbout’s analysis of The World of the Gift offers a framework for imagining alternatives. Following Albert Hirschman, Godbout describes three spheres of modern society, characterized by “exit,” “voice,” and “loyalty.” The sphere of “exit” is the market, where relationships are functional, temporary, and contractual. In the market, you can walk away. Politically, people in a democracy want a “voice” at the ballot box, in town meetings, and in other venues of public debate. Families, churches, and neighborhoods are organized around more intimate and more permanent relationships involving personal “loyalty.”
There are serious drawbacks to providing health care exclusively through the market or through the state. Understandably, many Americans have reservations about leaving something as essential to human flourishing as good health to the chance allocations of the market. Doctors know things that butchers or cobblers don’t. Even when he pays for care, a patient is not a customer.
When the state dispenses services, Godbout points out, it “seeks either to supplant the primary networks or to make use of them in order to achieve its objectives.” States “constantly strive to define people’s ‘real’ needs in their stead.” Rather than taking account of individual differences, a bureaucracy “tends to make decisions independent of personal relations and characteristics, on the basis of abstract criteria derived from rights.” Despite rhetoric to the contrary, state-run health care is not public charity or gift-giving. The motives and structure of government services are inevitably and dramatically different from personal giving or charity. With health care, this is a fatal weakness. Impersonal health care is not care.
The alternative is to shift health care as much as possible to the sphere of personal service and interpersonal loyalty. As a midwife, my wife conducts pre-natal exams, attends births in the family’s home (no matter how long it takes), and makes a series of postpartum visits. She fields phone calls at all hours throughout the pregnancy and beyond. Many of her clients are young women from our church, and those who start out as “clients” often end up as friends. She doesn’t take insurance or Medicaid, so her overhead is minimal. She provides intimate, professional care to healthy moms and babies, at a fraction of the cost of a hospital birth.
This model could be extended to other areas of primary care. A physician friend has long dreamed of becoming a church physician, providing services at low prices or gratis, his base salary paid for by a church or Presbytery. If a physician set up a practice on this model, if he refused both private insurance and government funds, he could get by with a small office and a tiny staff. He could carry a black bag and do most of his work with house calls. Because she is a community of salvation (which derives from the latin salus, which means health), the church is an ideal setting, but a doctor to set up a similar practice through a community co-op.
Something like this vision of care has long guided the church, a pioneer in health care for nearly two millennia. It’s still viable, and more necessary today than ever. It won’t happen without a fight, and the most strenuous opposition will come from the professionals of the current system. For example, in some states, medical lobbies have ensured that midwifery is highly restricted or illegal.
Providing health care in the sphere of “loyalty” doesn’t overhaul the system, but it is an advantage: Communities, churches, and individuals don’t have to wait on Congress to personalize care or provide services to patients without insurance. In the long run, it might chip away at the system by helping to confine insurance to its proper role—providing emergency help for expensive, specialized procedures and treatments.
If it survives, Obamacare will only cause more turmoil. If it’s repealed, we’re back to the insurance-driven system that everyone admits is a mess. Meanwhile, women will get pregnant, and kids will get the sniffles and break bones. Individuals, community organizations, and churches have an opportunity to respond with low-level, low-cost, personalized service. We need a fresh start, and disciples of the divine physician should take the lead.
Peter J. Leithart is on the pastoral staff of Trinity Reformed Church in Moscow, Idaho, and Senior Fellow of Theology and Literature at New St. Andrews College. His most recent book is Athanasius (Baker Academic).
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Comments:
My sister's cervical cancer was found on routine preventative visit.
3 friends have had family member's breast cancer were found early and, thank God, they are cancer free. I had 3 basal cell removed.
The cost of these visits is much lower then the resultant health care costs if these situations were left un checked.
I don't find any of your arguments persuasive, most Medicare recipients will tell you a they are glad that they paid for the insurance they have
But for certain some of the physicians and folks in the health care business are greedy. Here is an article that was cited by the president that probes some significant issues in the system:
http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2009/06/01/090601fa_fact_gawande
For the life of me I don't understand the knee-jerk opposition to reforming health care. Granted it is a daunting task not likely to be achieved in our lifetimes. But presidents have been at this for over a hundred years and here is one that actually got legislation passed. Most of the opponents haven't a clue what is in it or when it becomes law.
The perception that all health care is a right.
I would ask this......."If you require OTHER people to develop medications for you..........to perform surgical procedures for you.........to run diagnostic tests for you........to provide consultative services for you......and to develop medical technology for you(preferably for free.....of course). What is that?"
What would be millions of people working in highly demanding jobs.........for free...........be?
I was a member of a conservative Mennonite church for a little over a decade, and as a rule these groups eschew commercial insurances- or, if such insurances are required by law, then they buy them to the satisfaction of the law but then never make claims. (I'm not sure how obamacare will affect this standard; i expect that the Canadian Mennonites will share their wisdom on that matter.)
The overall conviction was that one should trust the Lord, and that commercial insurances represent a kind of ungodly confidence in man and a friendship w te world, an unequal yoke of sorts. Medical bills are borne by each family, and in tight times, the brotherhood bears each others' burdens financially.
Five years ago, our newborn daughter came w a congenital heart defect, requiring open heart surgery at age four months. The doctors all worked w us, we were able to borrow low interest loans from church people, and a couple of months later the church had helped us w 95% of the total cost of surgery, ER visits, subsequent check ups, everything. this is one way to express leitharts new paradigm, although there was no community specific doctor.
But the net effect of this position is 1) mutual understanding with medical issues across the church; 2) savings accounts that are tentatively earmarked for my own hard times, or for someone else's. 3) heightened safety sensibilities, because it's not fun to impose on the church's charity unnecessarily. 4) doctors tend to respond differently when they know that the bill is being paid by the patient and not by the insurance.
A year ago we withdrew from the Mennonite church, but we still maintain convictions similar to what we had- only they weren't institutionalized to the point of having a system of meeting medical needs. So when our fifth child underwent heart surgery at age one month this year, we again worked w the medical teams, only without the confidence of quick payoff. Since we already knew the medical team (silver lining!) we have been able to work things out wonderfully.
I asked the pediatric cardiologist if she was okay w us paying her cash. Specialists don't usually talk the business side of their work w patients. She stuttered around a little before announcing that she would way rather give us a fat discount and get cash than to deal w gOverment insurances. And i'd way rather do that too, thank the Lord- and I'm still saying that five home births and two heart surgeries into parenthood.
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This is an interesting article and the author makes several valuable points. However, it suffers from a refusal to see the scope of the health care problem writ large, and also from a few fundamental misconceptions about the problems of our health care system and what Obamacare (which I guess is now the technical term we're all supposed to use) does to address them.
In general, I agree that more personalized health care is desirable, and a I fully support the author in his opposition to bans on midwifery. Should churches hire doctors to tend to their parishioners? Absolutely! It sounds like a great idea to me. What it is not is a scalable way to provide health care to an entire nation.
We already suffer from a lack of general practitioners. GPs functioning in the way Leithart suggests (e.g. for a church, in a small community co-op, not accepting insurance) will not be highly compensated. I'm sure you can make a decent living doing that, and no doubt many people will be drawn to this lifestyle. But each GP in this setting will be able to treat far fewer people than a GP at a hospital or large clinic (that's the downside to lovely things like housecalls and long, in-depth conversations with your doctor). So we'll need many, many more GPs, and we'll be paying them much less. How does Leithart suggest we find the necessary doctors?
Moreover, primary care is not the only problem, or even the primary problem, that we need to solve. Many of the millions of uninsured Americans already can pay out of pocket to see a GP on occasion. That's great, but what happens when they get cancer? When their appendix ruptures? When their kidneys fail and they need dialysis three times a week? When they need medication for the rest of their lives? These are the things that can bankrupt or destroy a family. Does Leithart want churches to also provide chemotherapy and surgery and dispense drugs for free?
I'm being facetious, of course. Leithart addresses this in one sentence "In the long run, it might chip away at the system by helping to confine insurance to its proper role—providing emergency help for expensive, specialized procedures and treatments." He seems not to realize that finding ways to cover emergency care and specialized procedures is EXACTLY the problem that Obamacare is designed to solve.
Leithart writes at the beginning that "asking an insurance company to pay for a routine visit to the doctor is like filing an auto insurance claim every time you fill up." This analogy is not quite right. First, routine visits to your doctor are more like getting your oil changed than filling up. There is some truth to the idea that if USAA covered unlimited oil changes, I might get them more than absolutely necessary.
But even tweaking the analogy doesn't get it right, really. Auto insurance usually doesn't cover your car when it just breaks down. If it did, if USAA would cover the costs when I needed to bring my car into the mechanic, then they might start also covering preventative maintenance. On the health care side, it's known that seeing your doctor regularly lowers your risk of needing expensive, specialized care later. That's why Obamacare requires insurance to cover the full cost of preventative care; it saves money in the long term. While we do over-consume health care, it's not PRIMARY care. It's specialized care.
Except for a small minority of hypochondriacs, most people don't really like going to the doctor. Subsidizing the cost of medical care will increase people's consumption of it the same way that subsidizing the cost of dirt sandwiches will increase consumption of them: not by much. The primary reason Americans overconsume health care is not that we're pounding on the door, yelling "Giving me an EKG!" It's that doctors in the US recommend lots and lots of tests, drugs, and procedures. No doubt most of them are good and necessary. But the fact remains that the compensation system in the US (by and large) rewards doctors who recommend lots of specialized care. This is another area that Obamacare seeks to address, by incentivizing insurances companies, hospitals, clinics, and doctors to shift compensation systems to reward total health outcomes, rather than using "fee for service" plans.
Later, Leithart says "...the government administration’s purpose will be to determine what people really need, which will inevitably be less than what people think they need." This is presented as a negative to Obamacare, despite the fact that only a few paragraphs earlier he was lamenting how Obamacare and our insurance system in general causes people to over-consume! It's muddled thinking, and of course it is a complete misrepresentation of what Obamacare would do.
Leithart has some good thoughts on the relationship between patient and doctor. At some point, he also got the idea that Obamacare is bad. Unfortunately, nobody seemed to have told him WHY it's bad, because the points he brings up against it don't really make sense or contradict his overall argument. I hope he is aware that there is nothing in Obamacare that would prevent him, or anyone else, from setting up the sorts of small-scale, personalized, inexpensive medical care that he promotes.
That discussion might be counterproductive. But the less inflammatory point is that the reasonable model in question isn't based on midwifery or on anti-establishment alternative medicines. I'm not sure where you picked up on that idea; perhaps it was my final sentence from the earlier comment- perhaps not.
Leithart's idea, at least to me, seems to spring from a couple of core principles of his, or at least a couple that I've come to attach to him. Behind this idea of loyalty, exit, etc, is a fellow who sees through the lenses of both an appreciation for civil religion and what I will call a vision of federal ecumenism. These perspectives encourage Leithart to see church in every part of society, including, at different levels, both in health care and in state governments; and his ecumenism accepts a broad range of expression of this ideal, leaving each Christian communion free to operate within the bounds of the new covenant. This means, for health care, that the term 'establishment' and its counterpart 'anti-establishment' are not applicable to Leithart's model. His model is one of freedom in healthcare, more or less in community, within the Christian new covenant.
Now, maybe I'm reading too much into this particular article. Be that as it may. My earlier comments were written with the hope that they might stimulate more thinking, in two different directions, on possible expressions of Christian federal healthcare. One was the Catholic Aristotelian approach found in Dr Herbert Ratner, who was a founding- or early-member of La Leche Leaque, who collaborated on occasion with the Great Books revival at the University of Chicago (Robert Hutchens, Charles Van Doren, Jacques Barzun, ...that crowd). I hope you went to Amazon.com and read the reviews of that book I mentioned.
The second direction I offered as a fleshing-out of Leithart's generous model (which is always open to professional specialists and to the whole gamut of "the best medical gizmos in the world") is from the Mennonite model, which I know about first hand, and which Obamacare will certainly disrupt to a greater or lesser extent, again a legal transgression against religious freedom. I assume that most people will not be satisfied with the "trust God, not insurance" emphasis of the conservative Mennonites, but it is nonetheless one option that expresses Leithart's direction of thought- certainly not concocted as (to quote TXW) an "alternative ... based on a system that distrusts establishment medicine". So, I hope that clarifies something or other.
If you want to talk midwifery, TXW, you'd better pull your socks up now, because what you wrote indicates a woeful ignorance of the state of the art. Almost every sentence of yours is wrong or should be qualified in some sense. For example, in TX, the law requires that midwives do a number of things, including continuing education, state certification, and have an M.D. committed as a back-up. TX midwives are bound by law to observe measurable signs of distress in labor and even prior to labor that, if they occur, demand that the mother be put under the care of a medical doctor. And midwives are also required to be licensed taxi drivers.
1. “[A]sking an insurance company to pay for a routine visit to the doctor is like filing an auto insurance claim every time you fill up.” A car is a commodity. When it breaks down, one can buy a replacement. When a father, for example, considers taking his ailing son to the doctor, the decision is altogether different. He owes a moral obligation to his son, because his son is not a commodity. His son’s health is not a commodity. Human beings possess value that inanimate things do not. Leithart’s suggestion that the physical health of one who bears the image of God deserves the same sort of analysis as the “health” of a car is flatly sacrilegious. Of course he doesn’t mean it that way, but he evinces the now quite pervasive conviction that health care ought to be left to purely market mechanisms that cannot as a matter of principle recognize the transcendent value of the person or even the human body. From the perspective of the market, a doctor trying to save the life of an infant and a pornographer plying his trade are distinguishable only by the relevant laws of supply and demand.
2. “[S]tuffing the federal government between patient and doctor doesn’t help.” Prior to Obamacare (and depending on the state) insurers could drop patients from coverage when they developed serious and expensive diseases, and when these patients would apply to a different insurer their disease would be a pre-existing exemption that need not be covered. Obamacare prohibits these and similar practices. Is this the federal government “getting between the patient and the doctor”? Of course not. The law as a whole expands access to medical care—that’s why it costs so much. Doctors want to treat the sick and the sick want to be treated; the most common barrier is cost, not state intervention.
3. “Since insurance drives up costs, requiring insurance won’t lower them.” Currently, many uninsured go to emergency rooms and rack up bills that they cannot pay. Through an inefficient and expensive process, these costs are shifted to the insured. Inefficient cost-shifting from the insured to the uninsured is one of the primary drivers of health care costs, and requiring people to have insurance (a Republican proposal, of course, by the Heritage Institute and a mainstay of Congressional Republican health care proposals through the 90’s) will reduce these costs. Further, Obamacare has provisions that aim to reduce systemic incentives that drive up costs (e.g., higher doctor pay when more procedures are ordered). Leithart does not betray an ounce of awareness of these mechanisms, nor of the fact that Medicaid actually manages treatment costs much more efficiently than do private insurers—so much so that it’s become a problem.
I actually agree that care should involve personal loyalty nor do I think Obamacare is the solution, but Leithart betrays no awareness of either of the huge problems the health care industry faces, nor what the current health care laws do to try to counteract these problems. This isn't his fault, really, it's just a testament to how the conservative (and liberal) media serves to work people up without enlightening them in the slightest.
There' s a liberal cardiologist at my church who, when I bemoan health insurance as not being insurance, always pipes in and tells me how no one could ever afford most of the healthcare in their lives without insurance. I've tried repeating his words back to him "no one could ever afford..." and then asking him "okay, how does adding more costs in the form of insurance that covers everything make the costs go down?" He then answers saying something like "I'm telling you, you could never afford it."
Leithart quotes Godbout as saying that when government pays for health care, it "seeks either to supplant the primary networks or to make use of them in order to achieve its objectives." Governments "constantly strive to define people’s ‘real’ needs in their stead."
This sounds ominously convincing in the abstract, but let's look at how it played out in my case. While I was in Peace Corps service in West Africa, I had a motorcycle accident. I had complete government medical coverage, just as if I had been serving in the military. I was evacuated to George Washington University hospital in DC where the doctors, not the government, determined my real needs. They rushed me into surgery, where I got probably the world's finest orthopedic reconstruction of my shattered bones. They even treated my malaria attack a few nights later when the anti-malarial medication I had been taking wore off. Two weeks later, I was discharged and flew home to San Diego, where I was free to choose my own orthopedic surgeon for the follow-up care. Again, I chose the best available. He decided what care I needed and provided it. Later, after the casts came off, I got first-class physical therapy until my doctor pronounced me ready to resume Peace Corps service.
So, in my case, I never experienced the specter of manipulations by the government bureaucracy for its own ulterior motives, depriving me and my doctors of the right of decision making. The bureaucracy simply picked up the tab. The only problem with this idea today is that the government is broke.
What is your issue with the cardiologist saying such a thing, especially when it is true? It’s unfortunate to think about, but we need spend money (insurance) in order to save money (health care without insurance). Simple visits to the doctor’s office are outrageously expensive without health insurance. One minor accident can put your entire life in turmoil, and leave you indebted for years to come.
We are one of the few developed nations that does not offer free health care. ‘Obamacare’ may not be the answer, but our current system definitely isn’t either.


