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Friday, May 24, 2013, 1:47 PM

This morning a young friend made a Facebook offering referring to people he knows caught up in the heroin epidemic.  The article is actually about the benefits of the drug, naloxone, in preventing death from overdose.

“They said it worked right away,” says Trish. “They said she just took this deep breath, this deep, deep breath, and shot up. Then she threw up, but she was fine.”

Her sister had never ODed before, and without the drug might have ended up padding Ohio’s already epidemic-level numbers of painkiller and heroin overdose deaths. In 2011, the last year for which data is available, there were 1,765 such deaths in the Buckeye State, a record.

“But everyone’s overdosing,” says Trish. “You read the obits, you have a friend die. My sister just had a friend die. That’s just what happens.

The young friend of mine who posted wrote back to my expression of pity to tell me that the addicts he knows are often from privileged families.  Maybe they would have to be if addiction is as expensive as this article indicates.  Suburban crime is up and that relates to heroin use; it is cheaper than marijuana.  And marijuana may not be the gateway drug to heroin, rather prescription pain-killers are.  The prescription runs out, but the pain persists; no one is supposed to live in pain anymore.  So what do people do?  Call it an existential problem, but apparently now they turn to heroin.

A year or so ago, when I first heard of the heroin epidemic in my little Ohio town, I asked the county sheriff what the source was.  He said most of the local supply is from Afghanistan.  How does it get here?   How does it get to suburban America and so cheaply?  He said, sensibly, that if they knew that they could do more to control supply.

International Heroin Trade

Above is a map showing where America gets its heroin.  The map doesn’t give you enough information; 80% of the world’s opium comes from Afghanistan.  Some opium production is legitimate since there is a definite and practical need for morphine in medicine.  But, “an estimated 3 400 tonnes of Afghan opium was not transformed into heroin or morphine in 2011. Compared with previous years, this is an exceptionally high proportion of the total crop,representing nearly 60 % of the Afghan opium harvest and close to 50 % of the global harvest in 2011.” We can look at illegal heroin’s trade in America as a corollary to war there,  not only because it is possible that soldiers stationed in Afghanistan may be the conduit for some illegal sale of the drug in the US, but also because we know that much of that illegal trade is controlled by the Taliban.

In Afghanistan, there is a symbiotic relationship between narco-traffickers and the insurgency, as narcotics traffickers provide revenue and arms to the insurgency, while insurgents provide protection to growers and traffickers to prevent the government from interfering with their activities. Further, drug-related corruption continues to undercut international reconstruction efforts and good governance, as government officials abuse their positions by benefiting financially from the drug trade.

In 2012, almost all the headmen of poppy-free villages reported to recognize the provincial governor’s authority. As poppy-growing villages are often located in areas where government control is weak and the security situation is bad, it is no surprise that they are less likely to accept the authority of government institutions, although 60% of poppy-growing villages reportedly accepted the authority of the provincial governor but still grew poppy.”  I do not know what that says about provincial authority in Afghanistan, but the war on terror that dare not speak its name is partly funded by international drug trade.  As an aside,  watch for an  increase in cocaine use in America as Al Qaeda increases supply out of North Africa.

Note on the map that the US also has heroin coming in over the border to the south.  This relates to border security as more than an immigration issue; an open border just makes drug trafficking easier.  Couldn’t Republicans cite drug trafficking  over that border and the addiction of our increasing numbers of our children as more cause to do our best to seal that border?

You know how whatever we are reading can build connections in the mind.  Reading here and reading there, I could not help but make the connection of postmodernism to drug addiction and then back to the conservative response to the latter problem.  Just prior to reading that article on the drug problem in our area, I was reading what Peter Lawler most recently wrote about Postmodern Conservatism,  about individuals and society.  I hope this is not  hopeless hash, but since the mind makes connections, I had Locke and Lawler on the mind when I began thinking about the problem of heroin addiction in the US.  Peter says,

We are bound together through a web of consensual contracts between individuals who—free by nature—are able to calculate what’s best for them in light of their interests. The fundamental transformational fact—the one that produced modern government, modern technology, and the modern economy—is personal freedom understood as individual freedom. That freedom is for securing one’s own life, one’s own liberty, and one’s own pursuit of happiness. Individuals are, as later philosophers said, autonomous beings; each of them lives for or lays down the law for himself, for what he sees as his own good.

and

Actually, most Darwinians don’t think Locke was completely wrong on the level of description. Our hardwiring pushes us toward both satisfying individual needs and, in some sense, the flourishing of the species. But as social animals, our evolutionary psychologists can’t help but conclude, we are most of all natural parts; even our individualistic inclinations have some social or species function. In some deeply natural sense, Locke’s personal thought was completely wrong. Our species has flourished–or come to dominate the other species–not because of the techno-freedom displayed by individuals, but because we are the most “eusocial” of the highly intelligent animals.

Somehow all of this breaks down for many people in our society.  This does not negate the truth of this in a general way, but free people do what seems irrational and irrelational. Even if we have sympathy or pity for drug addicts, we still must know their behavior is profoundly anti-social; addiction is all about satisfying individual needs.   Heroin is an anti-productivity drug, too.  And it is in my neighborhood, in my quiet little town, coming in from across the world, an unhealthy connection in a global society.

 


Friday, May 24, 2013, 10:07 AM

Thursday, May 23, 2013, 7:42 PM

National Review has it about right on the Gang of Eight’s immigration proposal. The “amnesty “absurdly includes people who aren’t even residents of the US. The internal enforcement mechanisms are too slow and their implementation should precede amnesty in any case. The Gang of Eight also deal includes a low-skill “guest worker” program that would increase the labor supply in those sectors of the economy where wages have been dropping for decades. Ramesh Ponnuru did a good job summing up what is wrong with guest worker programs:

One of the worst things about illegal immigration is that it creates a class of people who contribute their labor to this country but aren’t full participants in it and lack the rights and responsibilities of everyone else. A guest-worker program doesn’t solve this problem. It formalizes it…

Most people who work in the U.S. can quit their jobs without worrying that they’ll be ejected from the country after 60 days of unemployment. Temporary workers would have no such security. Most people can leave one industry for another. The temporary agricultural workers in the bill would have no such freedom. Some foreigners may choose this fate as better than their alternatives. It seems unfair, though, to ask Americans to compete with workers who will be more willing to put up with bad working conditions because of this artificially precarious situation.

And yet there are Republicans who are trying to make the Gang of Eight deal even worse. Texas Senator John Cornyn wants a larger guest worker program and the House of Representatives has a fifteen year “path to citizenship” for illegal immigrants who get amnesty. It sometimes seems like Republicans are trying to maximize the proportion of American residents who are not eligible for American citizenship.

This is exactly the wrong way to go about it. If we want someone in our country, we should want them to become part of our country. If we are to have amnesty for illegal aliens who have longstanding ties to the US (and I believe we should), the amnesty should involve integrating them into the American nation as quickly and as completely as possible. If we are to recruit foreign workers to come to the Unites States, we should do so with the reasonable expectation that most will settle here with their families. They will live and work with us. Their children will be American citizens and go to our schools. We should expect that they will become part of the American polity.

The Republican National Committee’s election autopsy report said that Republicans had to support comprehensive immigration reform in order for Republicans to be able to compete for the Latino vote. There is some truth to that, but the current Republican establishment immigration policy is a perversion of what is true in the autopsy report. If Republicans want to be seen as welcoming to immigrants and more recent arrivals, they need to actually be welcoming toward the people they wish to allow to live in the United States. They won’t be seen as welcoming if they try to maximally defer citizenship for those who get amnesty. They won’t be seen as welcoming if they treat new immigrants as merely units of labor who face deportation if they get crosswise with their bosses. “We want immigrants working, but we just don’t want them voting” is a motto for employers trying to hold down wages but a lousy motto for a party trying to get votes (or that cares about civic health.)

The Republicans don’t have to become an open borders party to be a pro-immigrant party. Canada’s Conservative Party does well with Canada’s immigrant population while being pro-immigration enforcement and favoring a skills and language proficiency-based immigration policy. There are some lessons there if Republicans would just think beyond their most recent meeting with the lobbyists from the National Restaurant Association.

Wages for lower-education American workers have been falling for thirty years. These falling wages have coincided with increased family disruption, increased risks of intergenerational poverty and, and declining labor force participation. Increasing the labor supply in these sectors of the economy does not make sense. The US could get many benefits of immigration by switching to a skills and language-proficiency-based system like the one in Canada. The economy as a whole would benefit from higher-skill workers and maybe the biggest beneficiaries would be current low-education American citizens and noncitizen residents (many of whom are immigrants themselves.) It is possible to be both pro-immigration and pro-working-class. The Republicans might also be interested to know that such a policy would also be popular with the American people. That might be of interest to a party that just lost twenty-five out of thirty-three Senate races and lost the presidential election by almost five million votes despite hundreds of millions of dollars donated to Republican-leaning Super PACs. The Republicans have to decide whether they want to maximize their vote totals or maximize the number of attaboys they get from business lobbyists and libertarian ideologues.

This is not just about immigration. Republicans can choose to be the party of high-earner tax cuts and guest worker programs or they can choose to be the party of a skills-oriented immigration system, a pro-family and pro-growth tax code, and market-oriented health care security. They can choose to be the party that tries to use policy to increase the disposable income of working families within a pro-growth and limited government framework, or they can choose to be the party that prioritizes grinding down the wages of those at the lower end of the income distribution.

Whatever happens, the Republicans will likely remain the party of relatively lower taxes, lower spending and lower regulation. The spending and tax commitments of the Democrats mean that the Republicans will have room to maneuver in addressing the concerns of working and middle-class Americans.  Republicans would have a better chance of winning more elections and implementing their lower tax, lower spending and lower regulation policies if they were also a middle and working-class populist party. The risk is that the Republican establishment will choose to be a political expression of the will to power of the Chamber of Commerce, while making some election year gestures toward other sectors of the electorate. That would be a disaster for limited government politics.


Wednesday, May 22, 2013, 5:17 PM

The Republican opponents and the Republican supporters of the Gang of Eight immigration deal each have a flawed approach to citizenship and social cohesion.  More tomorrow.


Wednesday, May 22, 2013, 1:03 PM

Wednesday, May 22, 2013, 9:59 AM

As I’ve already suggested, the properly conservative standard for thinking about change is who we are as personal and relational beings. Someone might say that standard is particularly Christian. Certainly, many Christians understand each of us to have been created in the image of the personal and relational—Trinitarian—God. But there are non-Christian reasons for embracing this standard as true. Consider that the philosopher who probably most influenced our Founders—John Locke—understood free individuals to be personal but not relational. He attempted to display every human relationship as, when properly understood, unaffected or undistorted by personal love.

We are bound together through a web of consensual contracts between individuals who—free by nature—are able to calculate what’s best for them in light of their interests. The fundamental transformational fact—the one that produced modern government, modern technology, and the modern economy—is personal freedom understood as individual freedom. That freedom is for securing one’s own life, one’s own liberty, and one’s own pursuit of happiness. Individuals are, as later philosophers said, autonomous beings; each of them lives for or lays down the law for himself, for what he sees as his own good.

Our Darwinian, evolutionary scientists have shown that the individualistic understanding of who we are is obviously incomplete. We are, in truth, not free individuals, but social animals. We actually find happiness, in most cases, by understanding ourselves as parts of wholes bigger than ourselves, as members of groups, families, communities, countries, churches, and so forth. We’re hardwired, so to speak, with social instincts or desires, and to unnaturally deny those desires is to be free to pursue happiness but never find it.

Locke was wrong to think of each of us as living detached from natural social instinct and manipulating nature for one’s own use from some undisclosed location. Actually, most Darwinians don’t think Locke was completely wrong on the level of description. Our hardwiring pushes us toward both satisfying individual needs and, in some sense, the flourishing of the species. But as social animals, our evolutionary psychologists can’t help but conclude, we are most of all natural parts; even our individualistic inclinations have some social or species function. In some deeply natural sense, Locke’s personal thought was completely wrong. Our species has flourished–or come to dominate the other species–not because of the techno-freedom displayed by individuals, but because we are the most “eusocial” of the highly intelligent animals.

We conservatives respect and benefit from what we can really learn from science. And our Lockean and Darwinian theorists have both taught us a lot about who we are. Still, we also notice that science in our “enlightened” time tends too readily to morph into scientism, a kind of too-easy-to-understand or radically oversimplified account of all that exists, a kind of self-help doctrine based on what “studies show” as promulgated by experts. As an antidote to scientism, we play the Lockeans and Darwinians off against each other, showing that each form of scientism or ideology explains less—much less–than its expert advocates thinks it does.

We agree with the Lockeans that we are free persons, and that our behavior can’t be explained anywhere near completely by the Darwinian accounts of animal behavior in general. Each of us is not simply a part of nature (or species or some other “group” such as the “city” or even the family); we have irreducible personal identities. But the Lockeans are wrong to think that personal identity isn’t relational. Even consciousness, we remember, is “knowing with” others; only a personal and relational being could possess logos—or real openness to the truth about the way things really are. So it’s in particular places—including particular institutions—where you know and love particular people that you come to know who you are as a particular being open to the universal truth. In this sense, we think that the Deistic view of God is illogical or anti-logical, if God (or any other person) is understood to be a rational and creative being.

The choice between being a free (or unnatural) individual and merely a dispensable part of some species that our Lockeans and Darwinians seem to give us just doesn’t square with the facts we can see with our eyes. Each of us can be an authentic part of various communities without surrendering irreducible personal identity. It is within such communities, after all, that we are seen as significant persons. Not only that, real personal identity becomes a disorienting burden when one gets too locked up in oneself. That’s why Alexis Tocqueville thought that the excessive emotional individualism of some Americans is the cause of their surrendering their personal sovereignty to “public opinion,” schoolmarmish bureaucrats, and impersonal expertise. Persons—being with names who can name—irresponsibly attempt to surrender what they really know about who they are to anonymous forces.

A “relational” human being can be distinguished from a merely social bee, ant, or even chimp, just as human love can easily be distinguished sexual and pair-bonding instincts given to the other animals. Both the Lockeans and the Darwinians don’t even begin to give an adequate account of personal eros. It’s understanding love as merely a social instinct that’s responsible for Lockeans, especially Lockean feminists and transhumanists, and so forth, concluding that love sucks, because it’s for suckers.

We conservatives remember that the creative logos of God himself was animated by personal love, and it’s that sort of animation that’s responsible for the most magnificent forms of human creativity, even techno-creativity. And we conservatives remember that everyone used to know that Socrates was the most erotic and the freest man in Athens, even as we remember that he had certain relational “issues” that made him far from a perfect “role model.”


Tuesday, May 21, 2013, 8:08 PM

Let’s get one thing out of the way. While I wish that more people in politics talked like Yuval Levin and Austin Frakt I have a high tolerance for harsh political rhetoric. I know that in politics, some people are going to say vicious, ugly things and sometimes even believe them. I also think that the people who use harsh language should be open to criticism and judgment, but they should only be held responsible for the things they actually say, and not the actions of ideological fellow travelers. If you are so stupid/evil that hearing that the Tea Party/Occupy Wall Street is racist/communist gets you to go out and break the law or misuse your authority, that is on you. Three hundred million Americans should not have to walk on eggshells because you might go off at the first sign of political hyperbole.

But not everybody feels that way. New York Times political entertainer Paul Krugman argued that, even though the Gabby Giffords shooter was mentally ill, conservatives were still somehow responsible for the “national climate” that led up to the shooting. Well it turned out that the Giffords shooter was not just mentally ill, but that his obsessions had nothing to do with partisan politics. But let us grant Krugman’s argument that toxic political rhetoric can lead the suggestible to misbehave. The Giffords shooting turned out to be a bad example, but you know what, under Krugman’s standards, would be a good example of toxic rhetoric encouraging misbehavior?  The IRS targeting of conservative groups.

The upsurge of conservative political activism in 2009-2010 produced a flood of hostile liberal commentary. Liberal entertainers, New York Times columnists, and even former President Jimmy Carter denounced the activist opponents of President Obama as racists. The incumbent Speaker of the House condemned Tea Party organizations as phony “astroturf” fronts for the wealthy.

At about the time that prominent liberal journalists and politicians were attacking a citizen-activist movement as racists engaged in fraud, a very liberal-leaning bureaucracy began to routinely flag Tea Party groups for further review, asked bizarre and inappropriate questions about the prayers of group members, tried to get a pro-life organization to promise not to protest Planned Parenthood, and leaked information about these groups to a liberal media organization. It appears the suspect IRS behavior was not limited to a cell of rogue agents in the Cincinnati branch.

This systemic and long-lasting abuse of government power by liberals is a much better example than the Giffords shooting of what happens when irresponsible and hysterical partisans try to produce a “national climate” of fear and hate in order to marginalize their small-d democratic political opponents. In the days after the Giffords shooting, liberal-leaning news outlets lectured us on the need for more civility in our politics – even though there was no evidence that the Giffords shooting was “political” in any sense that most Americans would recognize.

Now we learn that the public campaign by liberals to demonize their opponents coincided with a campaign of harassment against conservative groups by a liberal-leaning bureaucracy. Will the mainstream media point the finger at liberal partisans for creating a “national climate” where federal government employees felt they were justified in using their power to target the Tea Party and pro-lifers? Will we be told that it is the Jimmy Carters and Nancy Pelosis, and Charles Blows of the world who embolden suggestible and corrupt to do commit, and that it has been liberal partisans who have been poisoning the atmosphere with their rhetoric. According to the standards the mainstream media employed during the Giffords shooting, it is the liberal partisans who are partly at fault for the IRS scandal.


Monday, May 20, 2013, 6:19 PM

Monday, May 20, 2013, 2:32 PM

One of my astute sons has been trying to persuade me that the current idea of progress is actually regress; we seem to moving away from civilized behavior to get back to our roots or something, forgetting the long slog of mankind away from them to gain something better and cleaner for human beings.  What some people say comes naturally leads to behaviors some of us others are likely to call unnatural.

Carl Scott notes “The Higher Education Scandal” by Harvey Mansfield and reading that essay I came upon “Political correctness, the study points out, brings necessary unity to the otherwise incoherent notion of diversity. For how else than by political fiat can one bring together, or be ‘inclusive’ of, subjects defined not by essences but only by their mutually exclusive ‘otherness’?”  This brought to mind another essay I read this morning by Camille Paglia, in The Chronicle of Higher Education, “Scholars in Bondage: Dogma dominates studies of kink.”

Once confined to the murky shadows of the sexual underworld, sadomasochism and its recreational correlate, bondage and domination, have emerged into startling visibility and mainstream acceptance in books, movies, and merchandising. Two years ago, E.L. James’s Fifty Shades of Grey, a British trilogy that began as a reworking of the popular Twilight series of vampire novels and films, became a worldwide best seller that addicted its mostly women readers to graphic fantasies of erotic masochism. Last December, Harvard University granted official campus status to an undergraduate bondage and domination club. In January, Kink, a documentary produced by the actor James Franco about a successful San Francisco-based company specializing in online “fetish entertainment,” premiered at the Sundance Film Festival.

Paglia looks at three university press publications on formerly taboo sexual subjects. Margot Weiss’s Techniques of Pleasure: BDSM and the Circuits of Sexuality,  Staci Newmahr’s Playing on the Edge: Sadomasochism, Risk, and Intimacy and Danielle J. Lindemann’s Dominatrix: Gender, Eroticism, and Control in the Dungeon. Her review is not for the faint of heart.  I am stunned imagining what the courses those women teach are like.  A good part of Paglia’s criticism is that these women have no knowledge of the past. In their great effort at what passes for sophistication these days, the great hope not to seem to have been born yesterday, they really do seem to have been intellectually born just the other day.

These three authors have not been trained to be alert to historical content or implications. For example, they never notice the medieval connotations of the word “dungeon” or reflect on the Victorian associations of corsets and French maids (lauded even by Oscar Wilde’s Lady Bracknell). It never dawns on Weiss to ask why a San Francisco slave auction is called a “Byzantine Bazaar,” nor does Newmahr wonder why the lumber to which she is cuffed for flogging is called a “St. Andrew’s cross.”

Given that it is Paglia writing, this is what bothers her the most, that these women do not really know the history of what they are writing about.  As if ’twere done well, all could be excused.  Well, she is also upset that the salaciousness of the subject is connected somehow to capitalism — therefore we can presume that BDSM, which is short for bondage and discipline, domination and submission, and sadomasochism, is the fault of capitalism (and therefore conservatives?).  Gee whiz.  Paglia comes to this:

What is to be done about the low scholarly standards in the analysis of sex? A map of reform is desperately needed. Current discourse in gender theory is amateurishly shot through with the logical fallacy of the appeal to authority, as if we have been flung back to medieval theology. For all their putative leftism, gender theorists routinely mimic and flatter academic power with the unctuous obsequiousness of flunk­ies in the Vatican Curia.

First of all, every gender studies curriculum must build biology into its program; without knowledge of biology, gender studies slides into propaganda. Second, the study of ancient tribal and agrarian cultures is crucial to end the present narrow focus on modern capitalist society. Third, the cynical disdain for religion that permeates high-level academe must end. (I am speaking as an atheist.) It is precisely the blindness to spiritual quest patterns that has most disabled the three books under review.

When I was in college I had to take some elective not in my field and chose a course that remains titled in my mind as “The Roots of All Evil.” That might been a philosophy course.  Much of the course was about much of the literature that Paglia refers to, though there was more; the Bible, for example, was also part of the course.  Note that the subject matter was called, at a major university, probably in 1975, evil.  Now, apparently, the only way to call BDSM evil is to connect it to the capitalist impulse.  That’s the modern university for you.

But Paglia’s third point, about the disdain of academia for religion and the spiritual quest that can be life an essential part of life most fulfilling, that is the great pity.  We are here now, in the midst of the sexual revolution that has gone beyond progress: a regression to the base, an embrace of diversity without discrimination, or rather with a discrimination against the discriminating.

 

 


Monday, May 20, 2013, 10:47 AM

If you haven’t been following the Stephen Hayes reporting at the Weekly Standard, then you might have missed something about the Benghazi story.  I do not think he can have missed much.  His coverage really really has been wonderful.  Today you can access his “What About the Video?  The Benghazi email dump leaves some big questions unanswered” that will be out in the next paper issue.

From the beginning, there have been two big questions about the administration’s deceptive spin on Benghazi: How were the talking points whittled down to virtually nothing from the CIA’s original draft? And how did a previously obscure YouTube video gain such prominence in the administration’s explanation of what happened in Benghazi?….
 
The emails make clear that many of the deliberations about changing the talking points—phone calls, teleconferences, and discussions—were not recorded. But a picture nonetheless emerges of officials keenly interested to avoid blame, protect their bureaucracies, and settle on a message that all could live with….
 

The agency’s attempts at CYA had given Obama officials an opening, and they quickly took it. On these thin strands, the Obama administration built its explanation for Benghazi. There had been a demonstration in Cairo. The leaders of that protest used a YouTube video to incite a mob. A Benghazi attacker had seen the Cairo protest. He later participated in the attack in Benghazi….
Despite the centrality of the YouTube video to the administration’s public discussion of Benghazi, it goes virtually unmentioned in the nearly 100 pages of emails between the nation’s top intelligence and Obama administration officials as they reshaped the talking points provided by the CIA. The film trailer is included as part of a list on the first page of the documents and again at the very end, in the subject line about a meeting of high-ranking officials on Saturday morning: “SVTS [Secure Video Teleconferencing System] on Movie Protests/Violence.”

So, were Hillary Clinton, Susan Rice and President Obama confused?  It is hard to see who confused them.  The released emails show there was plenty of communication between the White House and the State  Department.  The problem for them all was how to play the story so everyone involved would be covered and all of the “deciders” obscured.  That’s still happening.

I just have here what seemed like highlights to me.  You should read the whole thing.

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