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Sunday, May 19, 2013, 12:15 AM

A tremor was felt rumbling through the land…

…fitful dreams interrupted, of mobs and protests, shrill cries, a yellow flag is waved in great swoops, festooned with the sign of the black pistol, there are other flags, secret meetings, solemn pledges, stockpiled cans and legal briefs, debates about deadbolt technology, “this is a fragment of the true gavel,” the police shouting at those other police, clutched documents, shoves, he is pushed back and forth trampling upon the pages, the fine glassware is smeared, icily quiet signing ceremonies with awkward protocol confusions, resignations, silences, “it’s like she’s cut us off,” rumors, threats, “the semester is cancelled,” “the payments are suspended,” strikes, evictions, shaking of heads, “but they won’t speak to him anymore,” crosses, ugly crosses, and crosses crossed out, sweet nostalgic reminiscence about the days of facebook, radio, and singing together…

We awake, the shaking stops, and yet, as in that scene with Jack Lemmon and the coffee cup from The China Syndrome, somewhere there is a man who feels the very slightest and yet oh-so-telling of an after-tremor.  Something is not right.

china syndrome image

Yes, “A spectre haunts America.” At least it does this American. Not, I think, the spectre of tyranny… …no, that’s the one for Europe… …for us, the nightmare’s name is:  civil dissolution.

But no, c’mon, it’s 99% forgotten in 9 seconds, it’s all normal, normal, and always must will be, coffee-schedule-and-career, my everyday fellow Americans, good-morning my dear, they can only take it so far, don’t you know, so pass the baseball page please, and then a glance at that IRS scandal story…


Friday, May 17, 2013, 6:51 PM

that Obama partisans at the IRS avoided fights with prominent and well-funded conservative groups but waged an extended campaign of harassment against conservative community organizers?


Friday, May 17, 2013, 1:56 PM

The truth of the matter is that, generally speaking, things are typically getting better and worse. We conservatives have a standard based in human nature or the whole human person—the free and relational being–by which we can evaluate political, moral, and technological change. Our social or historical “narrative” is neither progressive nor reactionary. True human progress occurs over particular lives in the direction of wisdom and virtue. And that progress can occur just about anywhere. Solzhenitsyn experienced it in the Gulag. Tom Wolfe in A Man in Full shows how it can occur after reading the Stoic Epictetus in a maximum security prison. And we know that the real experiences of Admiral James Stockdale and John McCain as POWs weren’t so different.

If we say it’s hard to be a saint in the city, that’s because it’s hard to be a saint anywhere. It’s true we live in radically untraditional times. But that’s both good and bad for authentically Christian life. As Walker Percy wrote, today Christians really have to think about who they are, and that’s because we live in a time where’s there’s little to no real guidance when it comes to “lifestyle choices.” It’s surely in some ways better to have to think than to live in a time a more traditional time when most people didn’t give the truth (or the “commitment”) of Christianity a second thought.

It’s easy for us to see that Christianity is, in some ways, quite the untraditional religion, depending as it does on wonderfully spectacular unprecedented events—such as creation, the Resurrection, the unique irreplaceability of each of our created personal lives, and the grace and the salvation given to particular persons.

We conservatives also see clearly, of course, that the truth about God is necessarily and beneficially embodied in the traditional, relational institution we call the church, and we see the idiocy (in the precise sense) and so the unsustainability of the “individualistic” Protestant view that it’s possible to know the personal, relational God all alone through one’s own conscience. But we also marvel at what’s genuinely, if quite incompletely, Christian in the Spirit-driven enthusiasm of America’s Pentecostals and many of our Evangelicals. The practice of the genuinely relational virtue of charity flourishes among many of our believers.

It is easy to see contradictions in the combination of bourgeois individualism, strong senses of place and fammily, and genuinely and often quite “otherworldy” Christian belief we can see in the South today. But even in the best cases, most good people in a free country are going to be living contradictions. It’s utopian in the bad or nonselective sense to romantically believe that people once–in the polis or the medieval village–led noncontradictory or perfectly integrated lives. Even good people, after all, were sinners then and sinners now.

Lives oriented by orthodox religion—by genuinely countercultural religion—may actually be becoming more common. Consider that the number of Jews in New York City is actually on the rise, thanks to the huge orthodox families. The observant Catholic Church in America has become smaller, but also more genuinely observant. Our prosperous, high-tech, online society makes homeschooling increasingly more easy. It also has facilitated working from home, and even, as Rod Dreher has shown us, moving home to work from home, without returning to the drudgery of living off the land. It’s possible, we’ve seen, to combine “organic” and high-tech features in genuinely “postmodern” forms of appropriately relational lives oriented around family, church, and meaningful work. Being a good father, for example, is getting harder for some but also easier for others. Family life is both dissolving and regenerating in somewhat unpredictable ways.

There’s still plenty of opportunity to live virtuous—even heroically virtuous–lives as free and prosperous men and women in a society such as ours. Everyone is challenged by the relational responsibilities of love and the invincible necessity of one’s own death. It’s tougher in some ways to live well—to find humanly worthy happiness—in our time, when so much human effort is directed toward thinking through the “how” (technology) and so little directed toward thinking about the “who” and the “why” (who we are and what we’re supposed to do). It’s tougher to live well when human institutions in which our relational places and so personal happiness are most readily found—such as the family—are more unstable than ever. But it’s easier than ever in others—due largely to the techno-successes of modern science and the effective justice of the modern science of government–and far from impossible overall.


Friday, May 17, 2013, 9:04 AM

1. So I’ve gotten a couple of complaints (really) that my contribution to BBS below was insufficiently sensitive to diversity issues. Well, that’s true.

2. The HR officer who called Sheldon in was a black woman skilled, as Leonard would say, in handlIng human relations issues. She’s likely the only smart black woman Sheldon has had contact with. The show, realistically enough (statistically speaking), does not feature any physicists who are black women. Sheldon stereotypes blacks as recent victims of slavery, and so he gives her ROOTS as as a gift. He has to learn why that’s inappropriate, why he should see each particular woman more personally and not as a member of a species or race.

3. That exposure to DIVERSITY does teach Sheldon something about being human, as does his exposure to real women in general. But it doesn’t make him a better physicist. And so we might say that affirmative action in physics or the STEM fields in general makes no sense. The true or legal diversity argument is all about its educational contribution–and not about equity or justice.

4. Sheldon, of course, learns more from the seemingly ordinary–but spirited or gutsy and good looking–white woman Penny. It probably shouldn’t be within the educational vision of elite universities to teach nerds how to relate to pretty girls who give it “the old community college try.” You might object to this line of analysis that Sheldon ain’t a student, but a researcher. But after all his life didn’t really change after getting that second PhD.

5. In general, arguments for DIVERSITY are about making students beter persons. They’re sometimes couched in vocational language, but that’s not what’s really meant. It’s what left of “the transformational ideal” of liberal education. But also part of that old idea is Sheldon’s view that the humanities so understood are relativistic drivel.

6. Minds should be transformed by awakening the longing for what’s really true, independently of “cultural perspective.” Right now we’re stuck with the alternative “worldviews” of the UNITY of physics theory and the DIVERSITY of the humanities.

7. It goes without saying that POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY–and 21st century THOMISM–aim at the science that overcomes that alleged clash of worldviews. The aim, as Walker Percy says, is to put back together what’s true about the existentialism at the foundation of making cultural diversity the bottom line with what’s true about Anglo-American empiricism (as found in analytic philosphy and the “consilence” aspiration of natural science).


Friday, May 17, 2013, 7:24 AM

A nudge from Ben Boychuk about The Politico’s Behind the Curtain by Allen and Vandehei who are discussing “Why the GOP thinks it could blow it” which is all about conservatives letting their outrage get away with them.  They have their little list, including comparisons to Nixon, calls for impeachment, and we also see the insistence that one or all of the three current scandals are the biggest political scandals ever, and it is natural that we have our conservative cries from the heart over the direction that President Obama has taken our government and the nation.  But,

It is important to remember that there is no evidence any of the specific controversies directly link to President Obama himself. No one knows what the various congressional probes will turn up, but until there is a direct connection to the president, the best Republicans can probably do is use the three episodes to illustrate what they see as the dangerous reach — and pervasive incompetence — of the Obama government.

If we howl too much no one pays attention to the details in the cacophony.  Blood lust is ugly.  Impeachment is not going to happen given the composition of the Senate.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi are banking on the GOP going overboard – especially with women and minorities. One top Democratic aide, getting ready for combat, emailed that Republicans are likely to come off as “a bunch of white guys hammering away.” “Wonder how they will be if Hillary or Susan Rice testifies?” the aide asked. “Republicans are fully capable of taking an issue that should have valid questions asked, and turning it into another Whitewater investigation that goes way off the cliff. They could wind up making Hillary a sympathetic figure.”

No one is going to pardon us while we gloat at the comeuppance of Obama & Co.   Kim Strassel’s point about the IRS scandal plays in all of them: “The IRS Scandal Started at the Top” , but how it started there is is more about politics than about the kind of corruption necessary to bring down the regime.

President Obama and Co. are in full deniability mode, noting that the IRS is an “independent” agency and that they knew nothing about its abuse. The media and Congress are sleuthing for some hint that Mr. Obama picked up the phone and sicced the tax dogs on his enemies.

But that’s not how things work in post-Watergate Washington. Mr. Obama didn’t need to pick up the phone. All he needed to do was exactly what he did do, in full view, for three years: Publicly suggest that conservative political groups were engaged in nefarious deeds; publicly call out by name political opponents whom he’d like to see harassed; and publicly have his party pressure the IRS to take action.

Therefore, even with the deaths in Benghazi and that subsequent ludicrous cover-up, the enemy was not Al Qaeda.  Following Stephen Hayes’ (wonderful) reporting at the Weekly Standard,  that is clear.  We are the enemies, conservatives are.  Here’s Strassel again,

The president derided “tea baggers.” Vice President Joe Biden compared them to “terrorists.” In more than a dozen speeches Mr. Obama raised the specter that these groups represented nefarious interests that were perverting elections. “Nobody knows who’s paying for these ads,” he warned. “We don’t know where this money is coming from,” he intoned.

In case the IRS missed his point, he raised the threat of illegality: “All around this country there are groups with harmless-sounding names like Americans for Prosperity, who are running millions of dollars of ads against Democratic candidates . . . And they don’t have to say who exactly the Americans for Prosperity are. You don’t know if it’s a foreign-controlled corporation.”

Foreign powers controlling the Tea Party movement.  That’s a good one.  And people believe him, enough people believe him, people who work in our government and really ought to know better believe him.  Except there are so many of them.  Each government employee with a job to protect and the whole conservative crowd calling for smaller government easily becomes the enemy.

Perhaps also instructive is yesterday’s RedandBlue debate,  “Can Barack Obama survive scandals?” by Ben Boychuck and his friend, Joel Mathis.  Mr. Mathis says that second-term presidents are always scandal-plagued; political enemies are always out to find dirt and these issues, especially Benghazi, are being blown out of proportion.  Boychuk responds that  the question in the scandals is “What did he know and when did he know it?” and offers scant hope that we will ever find out.  But he says  it doesn’t really matter.  Here’s why,

Congress should get to the bottom of what these federal agencies did, find out who knew what, learn whether people broke the law and decide whether laws should change.  But let’s face it: Our federal government is simply too massive for one man to control. The remedy isn’t necessarily to replace the president, or to impose new “accountability” rules on the bureaucracy, or even to jail a few overzealous officials — satisfying as that would be.

The answer is to shrink the size and scope of government. Who’s up for that?

Many conservatives are and have been up for that but the great desideratum is the the general public sees the necessity of reining in government.  There really isn’t a hope of impeaching the president.  I would say especially not this president, but really, with an elected Senate and media-based politics, you would need to have evidence of the president’s administration selling guns to drug dealers… oh, wait.  No, you would need video evidence of the president whispering conspiratorial concessions to the Russian president… hmmm.  I suspect even if it were true that the president had the Justice Department bugging phones in the Congress, somehow you would need to be able to prove evil intent, that the president elected because he is a vague bundle of good intentions was actually not.  For some of us, that would be a logical denouement, but it is simply not going to play to the barely interested spectators that constitute most of America.

But we might be able to convince them that if government is too big, too unwieldy for even a marvel like Barack Obama to manage and control, then we ought to do something about the size and bloat of government.  What we cannot do is allow these scandals to be turned to an argument for more regulation and more inspectors, for watchdogs on our watchdogs, commissions to watch the departments that watch us.  Enough already.  We don’t have time to gloat.  We have to make the bigger argument and it is nothing personal.

 

 


Thursday, May 16, 2013, 9:05 PM

So here’s a round-up of reactions to the new Obama administrative mandate–the if I’m offended (however unreasonably) you’re in trouble college speech code.

Ken Masugi reminded me of the trouble Sheldon Cooper has had with his university’s human resources officer. But in Sheldon’s case that woman was schoolmarmish in the good sense. She patiently instructed Sheldon that he can’t simply speak his mind to women; he has to respect social conventions. She civilized him a bit. All the guys had HR issues. But when the time came to evaluate them for tenure, the HR officer considered only their actual scientific accomplishments. This is one piece of evidence among many that the show is too gentle and good natured to reflect actual academic life.

Or maybe there’s just a lot to be said for the scientists’ benign indifference to “speech issues,” at least usually. There’s no denying that Sheldon’s science is distorted a little by status and self-esteem issues, but he wouldn’t think of going to HR to get protected from the hurtful (and hilarious) venom of Leslie Winkle. An argument over the truth of string theory isn’t much like an argument over race, class, or gender–not to mention sex. It doesn’t occur to Sheldon or Leslie that words are merely rhetorical weapons to make a physics theory politically or academically dominant.


Thursday, May 16, 2013, 4:29 PM

Thursday, May 16, 2013, 1:03 PM

BIG THOUGHTS HERE (Sorry about the earlier link.)


Thursday, May 16, 2013, 9:19 AM

Marxists, libertarians, and other progressives often mistake conservatives for reactionaries. Conservatives, the progressive allegation is, want to return us to a time when we were less free and less responsible. And that’s because we have a romantic or even utopian view of the past. The allegedly anti-reactionary truth is that it’s impossible to go back, to reject our technological accomplishments and to embrace discredited illusions about, say, the place of women.

We conservatives reject the progressive view that it’s impossible to go back, given that we now live in a more advanced stage of History. History isn’t simply a tale of either progress or of decline and fall, and who each of us is isn’t completely determined by his or her Historical situation. It’s just not true that the sophisticated understanding of who women are these days is simply an advance over the alleged prejudices of the past.

Our understanding of who we all are has become too “Historical” or even “existential” or not properly natural or personal. Our sophisticates mistakenly think each of us can define the mystery of his or her personal existence—personal identity—without regard to the purposes and limits he or she been given through his or her embodiment, through birth, genuinely relational life, and death.

But it’s also true that we can see, in justice, that our high-tech society has opened possibilities for largely unprecedented personal development for women. We add that it’s difficult—much more difficult than progressives and liberals acknowledge—to reconcile personal fulfillment through work with the more relational forms of free personal fulfillment as a parent. It’s hard to properly honor “voluntary caregiving” in a society that’s, more than ever, a meritocracy based on productivity. But that’s the challenge that’s been given us, and we conservatives pride ourselves in facing up to it. We think that both love and work—even contemplation and charity—should animate every personal life.

We conservatives also reject the reactionary view that it’s somehow necessary to go back—to, for example, an earlier stage in “the division of labor”—in order to live well. We don’t think we’ve simply advanced beyond some legacy of repression, as progressives say. Nor do we think we simply live “after virtue,” as some reactionaries day. We think it highly unlikely that we’ll get back home either by returning to the farm or by entering some self-constructed “Brave New World.”

So we realistic conservatives reject the romanticism of both the agrarians and the transhumanists, of those who’ve diverted themselves from facing up completely to the challenges we now face. Sure, we conservatives are nostalgic for the ways personal lives—manners and morals—were more properly relational in the past. But our nostalgia is self-consciously selective. We admire, for example, the classy Stoic realism of the best aristocrats of our South without wanting to bring back the slavery and racism that distorted their rational self-confidence, just as we can admire the egalitarian idealism of our Puritan founders while rejecting their bizarre and tyrannical (and, truthfully, not properly Christian) effort to criminalize every sin. In this sense, we conservatives can be called postmodern.

As Solzhenitsyn explained, we think it’s quite possible to work for a world that avoids the spiritual excesses of the medieval world and the material excesses of the modern world, to work for a world worthy of the person as a whole. Our selective nostalgia is part of an effort to incorporate what’s best and most truthful about human experience so far in our lives today. So our “appropriation” of tradition is far from uncritical, but we couldn’t really be critical of the excesses or pathologies characteristic of our time (and all times have them) without knowledge of the human alternatives embodied in the knowledge we receive through tradition.


Wednesday, May 15, 2013, 10:14 PM

Romney campaign honcho Stuart Stevens is getting some mockery for his assertion that lots of people thought that Romney was a Catholic against contraception at the end of the primary season. To the extent that Stevens is blaming any part of Romney’s loss on the public’s mistaking Romney for Santorum, then Stuart deserves all the mockery he gets and then some.

But on the other hand, I do think (entirely from anecdotal evidence) that some basically apolitical people thought that Romney was the abortion extremist and obsessive in the race. That doesn’t make sense on one level. Romney only talked about abortion when asked while Obama talked abortion much more often. You would think that Obama would be the abortion guy. The problem is that the Republicans ceded the initiative to the Democrats on abortion. Since the Democrats were defining the debate on abortion, the discussion was about very-unlikely-to-ever-happen restrictions like abortions in case of rape. Meanwhile Obama, who actually voted against a born-alive-infants-protection-law and lied about his reasons, could portray himself as the relative moderate. That Obama could pull off this fraud is not the fault of Rick Santorum or the Republican primary process. It is the fault of cynical Republican campaign consultants (and candidates) who have not caught up to how Democrats have changed the game. Republicans would be better off adopting a more gradualist abortion agenda and aggressively going after the abortion extremism of the Democrats.

I would also imagine that Republicans haven’t developed strategies to effectively communicate with a large and growing fraction of the population and that this needs to be addressed alongside any policy and rhetorical changes they make.

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